VietLang
05-27-2007, 12:40 AM
VI
The generals who were thus seized were taken up to the king and there 1
decapitated. The first of these, Clearchus, was a thorough soldier,
and a true lover of fighting. This is the testimony of all who knew
him intimately. As long as the war between the Lacedaemonians and
Athenians lasted, he could find occupation at home; but after the
peace, he persuaded his own city that the Thracians were injuring the
Hellenes, and having secured his object, set sail, empowered by the
ephorate to make war upon the Thracians north of the Chersonese and
Perinthus. But he had no sooner fairly started than, for some reason
or other, the ephors changed their minds, and endeavoured to bring him
back again from the isthmus. Thereupon he refused further obedience,
and went off with sails set for the Hellespont. In consequence he was
condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for disobedience to
orders; and now, finding himself an exile, he came to Cyrus. Working
on the feelings of that prince, in language described elsewhere, he
received from his entertainer a present of ten thousand darics. Having
got this money, he did not sink into a life of ease and indolence, but
collected an army with it, carried on war against the Thracians, and 5
conquered them in battle, and from that date onwards harried and
plundered them with war incessantly, until Cyrus wanted his army;
whereupon he at once went off, in hopes of finding another sphere of
warfare in his company.
These, I take it, were the characteristic acts of a man whose
affections are set on warfare. When it is open to him to enjoy peace
with honour, no shame, no injury attached, still he prefers war; when
he may live at home at ease, he insists on toil, if only it may end in
fighting; when it is given to him to keep his riches without risk, he
would rather lessen his fortune by the pastime of battle. To put it
briefly, war was his mistress; just as another man will spend his
fortune on a favourite, or to gratify some pleasure, so he chose to
squander his substance on soldiering.
But if the life of a soldier was a passion with him, he was none the
less a soldier born, as herein appears; danger was a delight to him;
he courted it, attacking the enemy by night or by day; and in
difficulties he did not lose his head, as all who ever served in a
campaign with him would with one consent allow. A good solder! the
question arises, Was he equally good as a commander? It must be
admitted that, as far as was compatible with his quality of temper, he
was; none more so. Capable to a singular degree of devising how his
army was to get supplies, and of actually getting them, he was also
capable of impressing upon those about him that Clearchus must be
obeyed; and that he brought about by the very hardness of his nature.
With a scowling expression and a harshly-grating voice, he chastised
with severity, and at times with such fury, that he was sorry
afterwards himself for what he had done. Yet it was not without
purpose that he applied the whip; he had a theory that there was no
good to be got out of an unchastened army. A saying of his is recorded
to the effect that the soldier who is to mount guard and keep his
hands off his friends, and be ready to dash without a moment's
hesitation against the foe--must fear his commander more than the
enemy. Accordingly, in any strait, this was the man whom the soldiers
were eager to obey, and they would have no other in his place. The 11
cloud which lay upon his brow, at those times lit up with brightness;
his face became radiant, and the old sternness was so charged with
vigour and knitted strength to meet the foe, that it savoured of
salvation, not of cruelty. But when the pinch of danger was past, and
it was open to them to go and taste subordination under some other
officer, many forsook him. So lacking in grace of manner was he; but
was ever harsh and savage, so that the feeling of the soldiers towards
him was that of schoolboys to a master. In other words, though it was
not his good fortune ever to have followers inspired solely by
friendship or goodwill, yet those who found themselves under him,
either by State appointment or through want, or other arch necessity,
yielded him implicit obedience. From the moment that he led them to
victory, the elements which went to make his soldiers efficient were
numerous enough. There was the feeling of confidence in facing the
foe, which never left them, and there was the dread of punishment at
his hands to keep them orderly. In this way and to this extent he knew
how to rule; but to play a subordinate part himself he had no great
taste; so, at any rate, it was said. At the time of his death he must
have been about fifty years of age.
Proxenus, the Boeotian, was of a different temperament. It had been
the dream of his boyhood to become a man capable of great
achievements. In obedience to this passionate desire it was, that he
paid his fee to Gorgias of Leontini[1]. After enojoying that teacher's
society, he flattered himself that he must be at once qualified to
rule; and while he was on friendly terms with the leaders of the age,
he was not to be outdone in reciprocity of service[2]. In this mood he 17
threw himself into the projects of Cyrus, and in return expected to
derive from this essay the reward of a great name, large power, and
wide wealth. But for all that he pitched his hopes so high, it was
none the less evident that he would refuse to gain any of the ends he
set before him wrongfully. Righteously and honourably he would obtain
them, if he might, or else forego them. As a commander he had the art
of leading gentlemen, but he failed to inspire adequately either
respect for himself or fear in the soldiers under him. Indeed, he
showed a more delicate regard for his soldiers than his subordinates
for him, and he was indisputably more apprehensive of incurring their
hatred than they were of losing their fidelity. The one thing needful
to real and recognised generalship was, he thought, to praise the
virtuous and to withhold praise from the evildoer. It can be easily
understood, then, that of those who were brought in contact with him,
the good and noble indeed were his well-wishers; but he laid himself
open to the machinations of the base, who looked upon him as a person
to be dealt with as they liked. At the time of his death he was only
thirty years of age.
[1] The famous rhetorician of Leontini, 485-380 B.C. His fee was 100
minae.
[2] Proxenus, like Cyrus, is to some extent a prototype of the Cyrus
of the "Cyropaedia." In other words, the author, in delineating
the portrait of his ideal prince, drew from the recollection of
many princely qualities observed by him in the characters of many
friends. Apart from the intrinsic charm of the story, the
"Anabasis" is interesting as containing the raw material of
experience and reflection which "this young scholar or
philosopher," our friend, the author, will one day turn to
literary account.
As to Menon the Thessalian[3], the mainspring of his action was
obvious; what he sought after insatiably was wealth. Rule he sought
after only as a stepping-stone to larger spoils. Honours and high
estate he craved for simply that he might extend the area of his
gains; and if he studied to be on friendly terms with the powerful, it
was in order that he might commit wrong with impunity. The shortest
road to the achievement of his desires lay, he thought, through false
swearing, lying, and cheating; for in his vocabulary simplicity and
truth were synonyms of folly. Natural affection he clearly entertained
for nobody. If he called a man his friend it might be looked upon as 23
certain that he was bent on ensnaring him. Laughter at an enemy he
considered out of place, but his whole conversation turned upon the
ridicule of his associates. In like manner, the possessions of his
foes were secure from his designs, since it was no easy task, he
thought, to steal from people on their guard; but it was his
particular good fortune to have discovered how easy it is to rob a
friend in the midst of his security. If it were a perjured person or a
wrongdoer, he dreaded him as well armed and intrenched; but the
honourable and the truth-loving he tried to practise on, regarding
them as weaklings devoid of manhood. And as other men pride themselves
on piety and truth and righteousness, so Menon prided himself on a
capacity for fraud, on the fabrication of lies, on the mockery and
scorn of friends. The man who was not a rogue he ever looked upon as
only half educated. Did he aspire to the first place in another man's
friendship, he set about his object by slandering those who stood
nearest to him in affection. He contrived to secure the obedience of
his solders by making himself an accomplice in their misdeeds, and the
fluency with which he vaunted his own capacity and readiness for
enormous guilt was a sufficient title to be honoured and courted by
them. Or if any one stood aloof from him, he set it down as a
meritorious act of kindness on his part that during their intercourse
he had not robbed him of existence.
[3] For a less repulsive conception of Menon's character, however
unhistorical, see Plato's "Meno," and Prof. Jowlett's
Introduction, "Plato," vol. i. p. 265: "He is a Thessalian
Alcibiades, rich and luxurious--a spoilt child of fortune."
As to certain obscure charges brought against his character, these may
certainly be fabrications. I confine myself to the following facts,
which are known to all. He was in the bloom of youth when he procured
from Aristippus the command of his mercenaries; he had not yet lost
that bloom when he became exceedingly intimate with Ariaeus, a
barbarian, whose liking for fair young men was the explanation; and
before he had grown a beard himself, he had contracted a similar
relationship with a bearded favourite named Tharypas. When his
fellow-generals were put to death on the plea that they had marched
with Cyrus against the king, he alone, although he had shared their
conduct, was exempted from their fate. But after their deaths the
vengeance of the king fell upon him, and he was put to death, not like 29
Clearchus and the others by what would appear to be the speediest of
deaths--decapitation--but, as report says, he lived for a year in pain
and disgrace and died the death of a felon.
Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achaean were both among the
sufferers who were put to death. To the credit, be it said, of both,
no one ever derided either as cowardly in war: no one ever had a fault
to find with either on the score of friendship. They were both about
thirty-five years of age.
The generals who were thus seized were taken up to the king and there 1
decapitated. The first of these, Clearchus, was a thorough soldier,
and a true lover of fighting. This is the testimony of all who knew
him intimately. As long as the war between the Lacedaemonians and
Athenians lasted, he could find occupation at home; but after the
peace, he persuaded his own city that the Thracians were injuring the
Hellenes, and having secured his object, set sail, empowered by the
ephorate to make war upon the Thracians north of the Chersonese and
Perinthus. But he had no sooner fairly started than, for some reason
or other, the ephors changed their minds, and endeavoured to bring him
back again from the isthmus. Thereupon he refused further obedience,
and went off with sails set for the Hellespont. In consequence he was
condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for disobedience to
orders; and now, finding himself an exile, he came to Cyrus. Working
on the feelings of that prince, in language described elsewhere, he
received from his entertainer a present of ten thousand darics. Having
got this money, he did not sink into a life of ease and indolence, but
collected an army with it, carried on war against the Thracians, and 5
conquered them in battle, and from that date onwards harried and
plundered them with war incessantly, until Cyrus wanted his army;
whereupon he at once went off, in hopes of finding another sphere of
warfare in his company.
These, I take it, were the characteristic acts of a man whose
affections are set on warfare. When it is open to him to enjoy peace
with honour, no shame, no injury attached, still he prefers war; when
he may live at home at ease, he insists on toil, if only it may end in
fighting; when it is given to him to keep his riches without risk, he
would rather lessen his fortune by the pastime of battle. To put it
briefly, war was his mistress; just as another man will spend his
fortune on a favourite, or to gratify some pleasure, so he chose to
squander his substance on soldiering.
But if the life of a soldier was a passion with him, he was none the
less a soldier born, as herein appears; danger was a delight to him;
he courted it, attacking the enemy by night or by day; and in
difficulties he did not lose his head, as all who ever served in a
campaign with him would with one consent allow. A good solder! the
question arises, Was he equally good as a commander? It must be
admitted that, as far as was compatible with his quality of temper, he
was; none more so. Capable to a singular degree of devising how his
army was to get supplies, and of actually getting them, he was also
capable of impressing upon those about him that Clearchus must be
obeyed; and that he brought about by the very hardness of his nature.
With a scowling expression and a harshly-grating voice, he chastised
with severity, and at times with such fury, that he was sorry
afterwards himself for what he had done. Yet it was not without
purpose that he applied the whip; he had a theory that there was no
good to be got out of an unchastened army. A saying of his is recorded
to the effect that the soldier who is to mount guard and keep his
hands off his friends, and be ready to dash without a moment's
hesitation against the foe--must fear his commander more than the
enemy. Accordingly, in any strait, this was the man whom the soldiers
were eager to obey, and they would have no other in his place. The 11
cloud which lay upon his brow, at those times lit up with brightness;
his face became radiant, and the old sternness was so charged with
vigour and knitted strength to meet the foe, that it savoured of
salvation, not of cruelty. But when the pinch of danger was past, and
it was open to them to go and taste subordination under some other
officer, many forsook him. So lacking in grace of manner was he; but
was ever harsh and savage, so that the feeling of the soldiers towards
him was that of schoolboys to a master. In other words, though it was
not his good fortune ever to have followers inspired solely by
friendship or goodwill, yet those who found themselves under him,
either by State appointment or through want, or other arch necessity,
yielded him implicit obedience. From the moment that he led them to
victory, the elements which went to make his soldiers efficient were
numerous enough. There was the feeling of confidence in facing the
foe, which never left them, and there was the dread of punishment at
his hands to keep them orderly. In this way and to this extent he knew
how to rule; but to play a subordinate part himself he had no great
taste; so, at any rate, it was said. At the time of his death he must
have been about fifty years of age.
Proxenus, the Boeotian, was of a different temperament. It had been
the dream of his boyhood to become a man capable of great
achievements. In obedience to this passionate desire it was, that he
paid his fee to Gorgias of Leontini[1]. After enojoying that teacher's
society, he flattered himself that he must be at once qualified to
rule; and while he was on friendly terms with the leaders of the age,
he was not to be outdone in reciprocity of service[2]. In this mood he 17
threw himself into the projects of Cyrus, and in return expected to
derive from this essay the reward of a great name, large power, and
wide wealth. But for all that he pitched his hopes so high, it was
none the less evident that he would refuse to gain any of the ends he
set before him wrongfully. Righteously and honourably he would obtain
them, if he might, or else forego them. As a commander he had the art
of leading gentlemen, but he failed to inspire adequately either
respect for himself or fear in the soldiers under him. Indeed, he
showed a more delicate regard for his soldiers than his subordinates
for him, and he was indisputably more apprehensive of incurring their
hatred than they were of losing their fidelity. The one thing needful
to real and recognised generalship was, he thought, to praise the
virtuous and to withhold praise from the evildoer. It can be easily
understood, then, that of those who were brought in contact with him,
the good and noble indeed were his well-wishers; but he laid himself
open to the machinations of the base, who looked upon him as a person
to be dealt with as they liked. At the time of his death he was only
thirty years of age.
[1] The famous rhetorician of Leontini, 485-380 B.C. His fee was 100
minae.
[2] Proxenus, like Cyrus, is to some extent a prototype of the Cyrus
of the "Cyropaedia." In other words, the author, in delineating
the portrait of his ideal prince, drew from the recollection of
many princely qualities observed by him in the characters of many
friends. Apart from the intrinsic charm of the story, the
"Anabasis" is interesting as containing the raw material of
experience and reflection which "this young scholar or
philosopher," our friend, the author, will one day turn to
literary account.
As to Menon the Thessalian[3], the mainspring of his action was
obvious; what he sought after insatiably was wealth. Rule he sought
after only as a stepping-stone to larger spoils. Honours and high
estate he craved for simply that he might extend the area of his
gains; and if he studied to be on friendly terms with the powerful, it
was in order that he might commit wrong with impunity. The shortest
road to the achievement of his desires lay, he thought, through false
swearing, lying, and cheating; for in his vocabulary simplicity and
truth were synonyms of folly. Natural affection he clearly entertained
for nobody. If he called a man his friend it might be looked upon as 23
certain that he was bent on ensnaring him. Laughter at an enemy he
considered out of place, but his whole conversation turned upon the
ridicule of his associates. In like manner, the possessions of his
foes were secure from his designs, since it was no easy task, he
thought, to steal from people on their guard; but it was his
particular good fortune to have discovered how easy it is to rob a
friend in the midst of his security. If it were a perjured person or a
wrongdoer, he dreaded him as well armed and intrenched; but the
honourable and the truth-loving he tried to practise on, regarding
them as weaklings devoid of manhood. And as other men pride themselves
on piety and truth and righteousness, so Menon prided himself on a
capacity for fraud, on the fabrication of lies, on the mockery and
scorn of friends. The man who was not a rogue he ever looked upon as
only half educated. Did he aspire to the first place in another man's
friendship, he set about his object by slandering those who stood
nearest to him in affection. He contrived to secure the obedience of
his solders by making himself an accomplice in their misdeeds, and the
fluency with which he vaunted his own capacity and readiness for
enormous guilt was a sufficient title to be honoured and courted by
them. Or if any one stood aloof from him, he set it down as a
meritorious act of kindness on his part that during their intercourse
he had not robbed him of existence.
[3] For a less repulsive conception of Menon's character, however
unhistorical, see Plato's "Meno," and Prof. Jowlett's
Introduction, "Plato," vol. i. p. 265: "He is a Thessalian
Alcibiades, rich and luxurious--a spoilt child of fortune."
As to certain obscure charges brought against his character, these may
certainly be fabrications. I confine myself to the following facts,
which are known to all. He was in the bloom of youth when he procured
from Aristippus the command of his mercenaries; he had not yet lost
that bloom when he became exceedingly intimate with Ariaeus, a
barbarian, whose liking for fair young men was the explanation; and
before he had grown a beard himself, he had contracted a similar
relationship with a bearded favourite named Tharypas. When his
fellow-generals were put to death on the plea that they had marched
with Cyrus against the king, he alone, although he had shared their
conduct, was exempted from their fate. But after their deaths the
vengeance of the king fell upon him, and he was put to death, not like 29
Clearchus and the others by what would appear to be the speediest of
deaths--decapitation--but, as report says, he lived for a year in pain
and disgrace and died the death of a felon.
Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achaean were both among the
sufferers who were put to death. To the credit, be it said, of both,
no one ever derided either as cowardly in war: no one ever had a fault
to find with either on the score of friendship. They were both about
thirty-five years of age.