Anabasis II - Xenophon

Anabasis II
Author: Xenophon
Translator: H.G. Dkyns


I


With the break of day the generals met, and were surprised that Cyrus 1
should not have appeared himself, or at any rate have sent some one to
tell them what to do. Accordingly, they resolved to put what they had
together, to get under arms, and to push forward until they effected
junction with Cyrus. Just as they were on the point of starting, with
the rising sun came Procles the ruler of Teuthrania. He was a
descendant of Damaratus[1] the Laconian, and with him also came Glus
the son of Tamos. These two told them, first, that Cyrus was dead;
next, that Ariaeus had retreated with the rest of the barbarians to
the halting-place whence they had started at dawn on the previous day;
and wished to inform them that, if they were minded to come, he would
wait for this one day, but on the morrow he should return home again
to Ionia, whence he came.

[1] The Spartan king who was deposed in B.C. 491, whereupon he fled to
King Darius, and settled in south-western Mysia. See Herod. vi.
50, 61-70. We shall hear more of his descendant, Procles, the
ruler of Teuthrania, in the last chapter of this work.

When they heard these tidings, the generals were sorely distressed; so 4
too were the rest of the Hellenes when they were informed of it. Then
Clearchus spoke as follows: "Would that Cyrus were yet alive! But
since he is dead, take back this answer to Ariaeus, that we, at any
rate, have conquered the king; and, as you yourselves may see, there
is not a man left in the field to meet us. Indeed, had you not
arrived, we should ere this have begun our march upon the king. Now,
we can promise to Ariaeus that, if he will join us here, we will place
him on the king's throne. Surely to those who conquer empire
pertains." With these words he sent back the messengers and with them
he sent Cheirisophus the Laconian, and Menon the Thessalian. That was
what Menon himself wished, being, as he was, a friend and intimate of
Ariaeus, and bound by mutual ties of hospitality. So these set off,
and Clearchus waited for them.

The soldiers furnished themselves with food [and drink] as best they
might--falling back on the baggage animals, and cutting up oxen and
asses. There was no lack of firewood; they need only step forward a
few paces from the line where the battle was fought, and they would
find arrows to hand in abundance, which the Hellenes had forced the
deserters from the king to throw away. There were arrows and wicker
shields also, and the huge wooden shields of the Egyptians. There were
many targets also, and empty wagons left to be carried off. Here was a
store which they were not slow to make use of to cook their meat and
serve their meals that day.

It was now about full market hour[2] when heralds from the king and
Tissaphernes arrived. These were barbarians with one exception. This
was a certain Phalinus, a Hellene who lived at the court of
Tissaphernes, and was held in high esteem. He gave himself out to be a
connoisseur of tactics and the art of fighting with heavy arms. These
were the men who now came up, and having summoned the generals of the
Hellenes, they delivered themselves of the following message: "The
great king having won the victory and slain Cyrus, bids the Hellenes
to surrender their arms; to betake themselves to the gates of the
king's palace, and there obtain for themselves what terms they can."
That was what the heralds said, and the Hellenes listened with heavy 9
hearts; but Clearchus spoke, and his words were few; "Conquerors do
not, as a rule, give up their arms"; then turning to the others he
added, "I leave it to you, my fellow-generals, to make the best and
noblest answer, that ye may, to these gentlemen. I will rejoin you
presently." At the moment an official had summoned him to come and
look at the entrails which had been taken out, for, as it chanced, he
was engaged in sacrificing. As soon as he was gone, Cleanor the
Arcadian, by right of seniority, answered: "They would sooner die than
give up their arms." Then Proxenus the Theban said: "For my part, I
marvel if the king demands our arms as our master, or for the sake of
friendship merely, as presents. If as our master, why need he ask for
them rather than come and take them? But if he would fain wheedle us
out of them by fine speeches, he should tell us what the soldiers will
receive in turn for such kindness." In answer to him Phalinus said:
"The king claims to have conquered, because he has put Cyrus to death;
and who is there now to claim the kingdom as against himself? He
further flatters himself that you also are in his power, since he
holds you in the heart of his country, hemmed in by impassable rivers;
and he can at any moment bring against you a multitude so vast that
even if leave were given to rise and slay you could not kill them."
After him Theopompus[3] the Athenian spoke. "Phalinus," he said, "at
this instant, as you yourself can see, we have nothing left but our
arms and our valour. If we keep the former we imagine we can make use
of the latter; but if we deliver up our arms we shall presently be
robbed of our lives. Do not suppose then that we are going to give up
to you the only good things which we possess. We prefer to keep them;
and by their help we will do battle with you for the good things which
are yours." Phalinus laughed when he heard those words, and said: 13
"Spoken like a philosopher, my fine young man, and very pretty
reasoning too; yet, let me tell you, your wits are somewhat scattered
if you imagine that your valour will get the better of the king's
power." There were one or two others, it was said, who with a touch of
weakness in their tone or argument, made answer: "They had proved good
and trusty friends to Cyrus, and the king might find them no less
valuable. If he liked to be friends with them, he might turn them to
any use that pleased his fancy, say for a campaign against Egypt.
Their arms were at his service; they would help to lay that country at
his feet."

[2] 10 A.M.

[3] So the best MSS. Others read "Xenophon," which Kruger maintains to
be the true reading. He suggests that "Theopompus" may have crept
into the text from a marginal note of a scholiast, "Theopompus"
(the historian) "gives the remark to Proxenus."

Just then Clearchus returned, and wished to know what answer they had
given. The words were barely out of his mouth before Phalinus
interrupting, answered: "As for your friends here, one says one thing
and one another; will you please give us your opinion"; and he
replied: "The sight of you, Phalinus, caused me much pleasure; and not
only me, but all of us, I feel sure; for you are a Hellene even as we
are--every one of us whom you see before you. In our present plight we
would like to take you into our counsel as to what we had better do
touching your proposals. I beg you then solemnly, in the sight of
heaven--do you tender us such advice as you shall deem best and
worthiest, and such as shall bring you honour of after time, when it
will be said of you how once on a time Phalinus was sent by the great
king to bid certain Hellenes yield up their arms, and when they had
taken him into their counsel, he gave them such and such advice. You
know that whatever advice you do give us cannot fail to be reported in
Hellas."

Clearchus threw out these leading remarks in hopes that this man, who
was the ambassador from the king, might himself be led to advise them
not to give up their arms, in which case the Hellenes would be still
more sanguine and hopeful. But, contrary to his expectation, Phalinus
turned round and said: "I say that if you have one chance, one hope in
ten thousand to wage a war with the king successfully, do not give up
your arms. That is my advice. If, however, you have no chance of
escape without the king's consent, then I say save yourselves in the
only way you can." And Clearchus answered: "So, then, that is your 20
deliberate view? Well, this is our answer, take it back. We conceive
that in either case, whether we are expected to be friends with the
king, we shall be worth more as friends if we keep our arms than if we
yield them to another; or whether we are to go to war, we shall fight
better with them than without." And Phalinus said: "That answer we
will repeat; but the king bade me tell you this besides, 'Whilst you
remain here there is truce; but one step forward or one step back, the
truce ends; there is war.' Will you then please inform us as to that
point also? Are you minded to stop and keep truce, or is there to be
war? What answer shall I take from you?" And Clearchus replied: "Pray
answer that we hold precisely the same views on this point as the
king."--"How say you the same views?" asked Phalinus. Clearchus made
answer: "As long as we stay here there is truce, but a step forward or
a step backward, the truce ends; there is war." The other again asked:
"Peace or war, what answer shall I make?" Clearchus returned answer
once again in the same words: "Truce if we stop, but if we move
forwards or backwards war." But what he was minded really to do, that
he refused to make further manifest.

II


Phalinus and those that were with him turned and went. But the 1
messengers from Ariaeus, Procles and Cheirisophus came back. As to
Menon, he stayed behind with Ariaeus, They brought back this answer
from Ariaeus: "'There are many Persians,' he says, 'better than
himself who will not suffer him to sit upon the king's throne; but if
you are minded to go back with him, you must join him this very night,
otherwise he will set off himself to-morrow on the homeward route.'"
And Clearchus said: "It had best stand thus between us then. If we
come, well and good, be it as you propose; but if we do not come, do
whatsoever you think most conducive to your interests." And so he kept
these also in the dark as to his real intention.

After this, when the sun was already sinking, he summoned the generals
and officers, and made the following statement: "Sirs, I sacrificed
and found the victims unfavourable to an advance against the king.
After all, it is not so surprising perhaps, for, as I now learn,
between us and the king flows the river Tigris, navigable for big 3
vessels, and we could not possibly cross it without boats, and boats
we have none. On the other hand, to stop here is out of the question,
for there is no possibility of getting provisions. However, the
victims were quite agreeable to us joining the friends of Cyrus. This
is what we must do then. Let each go away and sup on whatever he has.
At the first sound of the bugle to turn in, get kit and baggage
together; at the second signal, place them on the baggage animals; and
at the third, fall in and follow the lead, with the baggage animals on
the inside protected by the river, and the troops outside." After
hearing the orders, the generals and officers retired, and did as they
were bid; and for the future Clearchus led, and the rest followed in
obedience to his orders, not that they had expressly chosen him, but
they saw that he alone had the sense and wisdom requisite in a
general, while the rest were inexperienced[1].

[1] The MSS. add the words, "The total distance of the route, taking
Ephesus in Ionia as the starting point up to the field of battle,
consisted of 93 stages, 535 parasangs, or 16,050 furlongs; from
the battle-field to Babylon (reckoned a three days' journey) would
have been another 360 stades," which may well be an editor's or
commentator's marginal note.

Here, under cover of the darkness which descended, the Thracian
Miltocythes, with forty horsemen and three hundred Thracian infantry,
deserted to the king; but the rest of the troops--Clearchus leading
and the rest following in accordance with the orders promulgated--took
their departure, and about midnight reached their first stage, having
come up with Ariaeus and his army. They grounded arms just as they
stood in rank, and the generals and officers of the Hellenes met in
the tent of Ariaeus. There they exchanged oaths--the Hellenes on the
one side and Ariaeus with his principal officers on the other--not to
betray one another, but to be true to each other as allies. The
Asiatics further solemnly pledged themselves by oath to lead the way
without treachery. The oaths were ratified by the sacrifice of a bull,
a wolf[2], a boar, and a ram over a shield. The Hellenes dipped a
sword, the barbarians a lance, into the blood of the victims.

[2] It is a question whether the words "a wolf" ought not to be
omitted.

As soon as the pledge was taken, Clearchus spoke: "And now, Ariaeus,"
he said, "since you and we have one expedition in prospect, will you 10
tell us what you think about the route; shall we return the way we
came, or have you devised a better?" He answered: "To return the same
way is to perish to a man by hunger; for at this moment we have no
provisions whatsoever. During the seventeen last stages, even on our
way hither, we could extract nothing from the country; or, if there
was now and again anything, we passed over and utterly consumed it. At
this time our project is to take another and a longer journey
certainly, but we shall not be in straits for provisions. The earliest
stages must be very long, as long as we can make them; the object is
to put as large a space as possible between us and the royal army;
once we are two or three days' journey off, the danger is over. The
king will never overtake us. With a small army he will not dare to dog
our heels, and with a vast equipment he will lack the power to march
quickly. Perhaps he, too, may even find a scarcity of provisions.
There," said he, "you asked for my opinion, see, I have given it."

Here was a plan of the campaign, which was equivalent to a stampede:
helter-skelter they were to run away, or get into hiding somehow; but
fortune proved a better general. For as soon as it was day they
recommenced the journey, keeping the sun on their right, and
calculating that with the westering rays they would have reached
villages in the territory of Babylonia, and in this hope they were not
deceived. While it was yet afternoon, they thought they caught sight
of some of the enemy's cavalry; and those of the Hellenes who were not
in rank ran to their ranks; and Ariaeus, who was riding in a wagon to
nurse a wound, got down and donned his cuirass, the rest of his party
following his example. Whilst they were arming themselves, the scouts,
who had been sent forward, came back with the information that they
were not cavalry but baggage animals grazing. It was at once clear to
all that they must be somewhere in the neighbourhood of the king's
encampment. Smoke could actually be seen rising, evidently from
villages not far ahead. Clearchus hesitated to advance upon the enemy,
knowing that the troops were tired and hungry; and indeed it was
already late. On the other hand he had no mind either to swerve from
his route--guarding against any appearance of flight. Accordingly he 16
marched straight as an arrow, and with sunset entered the nearest
villages with his vanguard and took up quarters.

These villages had been thoroughly sacked and dismantled by the royal
army--down to the very woodwork and furniture of the houses. Still,
the vanguard contrived to take up their quarters in some sort of
fashion; but the rear division, coming up in the dark, had to bivouac
as best they could, one detachment after another; and a great noise
they made, with hue and cry to one another, so that the enemy could
hear them; and those in their immediate proximity actually took to
their heels, left their quarters, and decamped, as was plain enough
next morning, when not a beast was to be seen, nor sign of camp or
wreath of smoke anywhere in the neighbourhood. The king, as it would
appear, was himself quite taken aback by the advent of the army; as he
fully showed by his proceedings next day.

During the progress of this night the Hellenes had their turn of
scare--a panic seized them, and there was a noise and clatter, hardly
to be explained except by the visitation of some sudden terror. But
Clearchus had with him the Eleian Tolmides, the best herald of his
time; him he ordered to proclaim silence, and then to give out this
proclamation of the generals: "Whoever will give any information as to
who let an ass into the camp shall receive a talent of silver in
reward." On hearing this proclamation the soldiers made up their minds
that their fear was baseless, and their generals safe and sound. At
break of day Clearchus gave the order to the Hellenes to get under
arms in line of battle, and take up exactly the same position as they
held on the day of the battle.

III


And now comes the proof of what I stated above--that the king was 1
utterly taken aback by the sudden apparition of the army; only the day
before, he had sent and demanded the surrender of their arms--and now,
with the rising sun, came heralds sent by him to arrange a truce.
These, having reached the advanced guard, asked for the generals. The
guard reported their arrival; and Clearchus, who was busy inspecting
the ranks, sent back word to the heralds that they must await his
leisure. Having carefully arranged the troops so that from every side
they might present the appearance of a compact battle line without a 3
single unarmed man in sight, he summoned the ambassadors, and himself
went forward to meet them with the soldiers, who for choice
accoutrement and noble aspect were the flower of his force; a course
which he had invited the other generals also to adopt.

And now, being face to face with the ambassadors, he questioned them
as to what their wishes were. They replied that they had come to
arrange a truce, and were persons competent to carry proposals from
the king to the Hellenes and from the Hellenes to the king. He
returned answer to them: "Take back word then to your master, that we
need a battle first, for we have had no breakfast; and he will be a
brave man who will dare mention the word 'truce' to Hellenes without
providing them with breakfast." With this message the heralds rode
off, but were back again in no time, which was a proof that the king,
or some one appointed by him to transact the business, was hard by.
They reported that "the message seemed reasonable to the king; they
had now come bringing guides who, if a truce were arranged, would
conduct them where they would get provisions." Clearchus inquired
"whether the truce was offered to the individual men merely as they
went and came, or to all alike." "To all," they replied, "until the
king receives your final answer." When they had so spoken, Clearchus,
having removed the ambassadors, held a council; and it was resolved to
make a truce at once, and then quietly to go and secure provisions;
and Clearchus said: "I agree to the resolution; still I do not propose
to announce it at once, but to wile away time till the ambassadors
begin to fear that we have decided against the truce; though I
suspect," he added, "the same fear will be operative on the minds of
our soldiers also." As soon as the right moment seemed to have
arrived, he delivered his answer in favour of the truce, and bade the
ambassadors at once conduct them to the provisions.

So these led the way; and Clearchus, without relaxing precaution, in
spite of having secured a truce, marched after them with his army in
line and himself in command of the rearguard. Over and over again they
encountered trenches and conduits so full of water that they could not 10
be crossed without bridges; but they contrived well enough for these
by means of trunks of palm trees which had fallen, or which they cut
down for the occasion. And here Clearchus's system of superintendence
was a study in itself; as he stood with a spear in his left hand and a
stick in the other; and when it seemed to him there was any dawdling
among the parties told off to the work, he would pick out the right
man and down would come the stick; nor, at the same time, was he above
plunging into the mud and lending a hand himself, so that every one
else was forced for very shame to display equal alacrity. The men told
off for the business were the men of thirty years of age; but even the
elder men, when they saw the energy of Clearchus, could not resist
lending their aid also. What stimulated the haste of Clearchus was the
suspicion in his mind that these trenches were not, as a rule, so full
of water, since it was not the season to irrigate the plain; and he
fancied that the king had let the water on for the express purpose of
vividly presenting to the Hellenes the many dangers with which their
march was threatened at the very start.

Proceeding on their way they reached some villages, where their guides
indicated to them that they would find provisions. They were found to
contain plenty of corn, and wine made from palm dates, and an
acidulated beverage extracted by boiling from the same fruit. As to
the palm nuts or dates themselves, it was noticeable that the sort
which we are accustomed to see in Hellas were set aside for the
domestic servants; those put aside for the masters are picked
specimens, and are simply marvellous for their beauty and size,
looking like great golden lumps of amber; some specimens they dried
and preserved as sweetmeats. Sweet enough they were as an
accompaniment of wine, but apt to give headache. Here, too, for the
first time in their lives, the men tasted the brain[1] of the palm. No
one could help being struck by the beauty of this object, and the
peculiarity of its delicious flavour; but this, like the dried fruits,
was exceedingly apt to give headache. When this cabbage or brain has
been removed from the palm the whole tree withers from top to bottom.

[1] I.e. the cabbage-like crown.

In these villages they remained three days, and a deputation from the 17
great king arrived--Tissaphernes and the king's brother-in-law and
three other Persians--with a retinue of many slaves. As soon as the
generals of the Hellenes had presented themselves, Tissaphernes opened
the proceedings with the following speech, through the lips of an
interpreter: "Men of Hellas, I am your next-door neighbour in Hellas.
Therefore was it that I, when I saw into what a sea of troubles you
were fallen, regarded it as a godsend, if by any means I might obtain,
as a boon from the king, the privilege of bringing you back in safety
to your own country: and that, I take it, will earn me gratitude from
you and all Hellas. In this determination I preferred my request to
the king; I claimed it as a favour which was fairly my due; for was it
not I who first announced to him the hostile approach of Cyrus? who
supported that announcement by the aid I brought; who alone among the
officers confronted with the Hellenes in battle did not flee, but
charged right through and united my troops with the king inside your
camp, where he was arrived, having slain Cyrus; it was I, lastly, who
gave chase to the barbarians under Cyrus, with the help of those here
present with me at this moment, which are also among the trustiest
followers of our lord the king. Now, I counsel you to give a moderate
answer, so that it may be easier for me to carry out my design, if
haply I may obtain from him some good thing on your behalf."

Thereupon the Hellenes retired and took counsel. Then they answered,
and Clearchus was their spokesman: "We neither mustered as a body to
make war against the king, nor was our march conducted with that
object. But it was Cyrus, as you know, who invented many and divers
pretexts, that he might take you off your guard, and transport us
hither. Yet, after a while, when we saw that he was in sore straits,
we were ashamed in the sight of God and man to betray him, whom we had
permitted for so long a season to benefit us. But now that Cyrus is
dead, we set up no claim to his kingdom against the king himself;
there is neither person nor thing for the sake of which we would care 23
to injure the king's country; we would not choose to kill him if we
could, rather we would march straight home, if we were not molested;
but, God helping us, we will retaliate on all who injure us. On the
other hand, if any be found to benefit us, we do not mean to be
outdone in kindly deeds, as far as in us lies."

So he spoke, and Tissaphernes listened and replied: "That answer will
I take back to the king and bring you word from him again. Until I
come again, let the truce continue, and we will furnish you with a
market." All next day he did not come back, and the Hellenes were
troubled with anxieties, but on the third day he arrived with the news
that he had obtained from the king the boon he asked; he was permitted
to save the Hellenes, though there were many gainsayers who argued
that it was not seemly for the king to let those who had marched
against him depart in peace. And at last he said: "You may now, if you
like, take pledges from us, that we will make the countries through
which you pass friendly to you, and will lead you back without
treachery into Hellas, and will furnish you with a market; and
wherever you cannot purchase, we will permit you to take provisions
from the district. You, on your side, must swear that you will march
as through a friendly country, without damage--merely taking food and
drink wherever we fail to supply a market--or, if we afford a market,
you shall only obtain provisions by paying for them." This was agreed
to, and oaths and pledges exchanged between them--Tissaphernes and the
king's brother-in-law upon the one side, and the generals and officers
of the Hellenes on the other. After this Tissaphernes said: "And now I
go back to the king; as soon as I have transacted what I have a mind
to, I will come back, ready equipped, to lead you away to Hellas, and
to return myself to my own dominion."

IV


After these things the Hellenes and Ariaeus waited for Tissaphernes, 1
being encamped close to one another: for more than twenty days they
waited, during which time there came visitors to Ariaeus, his brother
and other kinsfolk. To those under him came certain other Persians,
encouraging them and bearing pledges to some of them from the king
himself--that he would bear no grudge against them on account of the
part they bore in the expedition against him with Cyrus, or for aught
else of the things which were past. Whilst these overtures were being
made, Ariaeus and his friends gave manifest signs of paying less
attention to the Hellenes, so much so that, if for no other reason,
the majority of the latter were not well pleased, and they came to
Clearchus and the other generals, asking what they were waiting for.
"Do we not know full well," they said, "that the king would give a
great deal to destroy us, so that other Hellenes may take warning and
think twice before they march against the king. To-day it suits his
purpose to induce us to stop here, because his army is scattered; but
as soon as he has got together another armament, attack us most
certainly he will. How do we know he is not at this moment digging
away at trenches, or running up walls, to make our path impassable. It
is not to be supposed that he will desire us to return to Hellas with
a tale how a handful of men like ourselves beat the king at his own
gates, laughed him to scorn, and then came home again." Clearchus
replied: "I too am keenly aware of all this; but I reason thus: if we
turn our backs now, they will say, we mean war and are acting contrary
to the truce, and then what follows? First of all, no one will furnish
us with a market or means of providing ourselves with food. Next, we
shall have no one to guide us; moreover, such action on our part will
be a signal to Ariaeus to hold aloof from us, so that not a friend
will be left to us; even those who were formerly our friends will now
be numbered with our enemies. What other river, or rivers, we may find
we have to cross, I do not know; but this we know, to cross the
Euphrates in face of resistance is impossible. You see, in the event
of being driven to an engagement, we have no cavalry to help us, but
with the enemy it is the reverse--not only the most, but the best of
his troops are cavalry, so that if we are victorious, we shall kill no
one, but if we are defeated, not a man of us can escape. For my part,
I cannot see why the king, who has so many advantages on his side, if 7
he desires to destroy us, should swear oaths and tender solemn pledges
merely in order to perjure himself in the sight of heaven, to render
his word worthless and his credit discreditable the wide world over."
These arguments he propounded at length.

Meanwhile Tissaphernes came back, apparently ready to return home; he
had his own force with him, and so had Orontas, who was also present,
his. The latter brought, moreover, his bride with him, the king's
daughter, whom he had just wedded. The journey was now at length
fairly commenced. Tissaphernes led the way, and provided a market.
They advanced, and Ariaeus advanced too, at the head of Cyrus's
Asiatic troops, side by side with Tissaphernes and Orontas, and with
these two he also pitched his camp. The Hellenes, holding them in
suspicion, marched separately with the guides, and they encamped on
each occasion a parasang apart, or rather less; and both parties kept
watch upon each other as if they were enemies, which hardly tended to
lull suspicion; and sometimes, whilst foraging for wood and grass and
so forth on the same ground, blows were exchanged, which occasioned
further embitterments. Three stages they had accomplished ere they
reached the wall of Media, as it is called, and passed within it. It
was built of baked bricks laid upon bitumen. It was twenty feet broad
and a hundred feet high, and the length of it was said to be twenty
parasangs. It lies at no great distance from Babylon.

From this point they marched two stages--eight parasangs--and crossed
two canals, the first by a regular bridge, the other spanned by a
bridge of seven boats. These canals issued from the Tigris, and from
them a whole system of minor trenches was cut, leading over the
country, large ones to begin with, and then smaller and smaller, till
at last they become the merest runnels, like those in Hellas used for
watering millet fields. They reached the river Tigris. At this point
there was a large and thickly populated city named Sittace, at a 13
distance of fifteen furlongs from the river. The Hellenes accordingly
encamped by the side of that city, near a large and beautiful park,
which was thick with all sorts of trees.

The Asiatics had crossed the Tigris, but somehow were entirely hidden
from view. After supper, Proxenus and Xenophon were walking in front
of the place d'armes, when a man came up and demanded of the advanced
guard where he could find Proxenus or Clearchus. He did not ask for
Menon, and that too though he came from Ariaeus, who was Menon's
friend. As soon as Proxenus had said: "I am he, whom you seek," the
man replied: "I have been sent by Ariaeus and Artaozus, who have been
trusty friends to Cyrus in past days, and are your well-wishers. They
warn you to be on your guard, in case the barbarians attack you in the
night. There is a large body of troops in the neighbouring park. They
also warn you to send and occupy the bridge over the Tigris, since
Tissaphernes is minded to break it down in the night, if he can, so
that you may not cross, but be caught between the river and the
canal." On hearing this they took the man to Clearchus and acquainted
him with his statement. Clearchus, on his side, was much disturbed,
and indeed alarmed at the news. But a young fellow who was present[1],
struck with an idea, suggested that the two statements were
inconsistent; as to the contemplated attack and the proposed
destruction of the bridge. Clearly, the attacking party must either
conquer or be worsted: if they conquer, what need of their breaking
down the bridge? "Why! if there were half a dozen bridges," said he,
"we should not be any the more able to save ourselves by flight--there
would be no place to flee to; but, in the opposite case, suppose we
win, with the bridge broken down, it is they who will not be able to
save themselves by flight; and, what is worse for them, not a single
soul will be able to bring them succour from the other side, for all
their numbers, since the bridge will be broken down."

[1] Possibly Xenophon himself.

Clearchus listened to the reasoning, and then he asked the messenger,
"How large the country between the Tigris and the canal might be?" "A 21
large district," he replied, "and in it are villages and cities
numerous and large." Then it dawned upon them: the barbarians had sent
the man with subtlety, in fear lest the Hellenes should cut the bridge
and occupy the island territory, with the strong defences of the
Tigris on the one side and of the canal on the other; supplying
themselves with provisions from the country so included, large and
rich as it was, with no lack of hands to till it; in addition to
which, a harbour of refuge and asylum would be found for any one, who
was minded to do the king a mischief.

After this they retired to rest in peace, not, however, neglecting to
send a guard to occupy the bridge in spite of all, and there was no
attack from any quarter whatsoever; nor did any of the enemy's people
approach the bridges: so the guards were able to report next morning.
But as soon as it was morning, they proceeded to cross the bridge,
which consisted of thirty-seven vessels, and in so doing they used the
utmost precaution possible; for reports were brought by some of the
Hellenes with Tissaphernes that an attempt was to be made to attack
them while crossing. All this turned out to be false, though it is
true that while crossing they did catch sight of Glus watching, with
some others, to see if they crossed the river; but as soon as he had
satisfied himself on that point, he rode off and was gone.

From the river Tigris they advanced four stages--twenty parasangs--to
the river Physcus, which is a hundred feet broad and spanned by a
bridge. Here lay a large and populous city named Opis, close to which
the Hellenes were encountered by the natural brother of Cyrus and
Artaxerxes, who was leading a large army from Susa and Ecbatana to
assist the king. He halted his troops and watched the Helleens march
past. Clearchus led them in column two abreast: and from time to time
the vanguard came to a standstill, just so often and just so long the
effect repeated itself down to the hindmost man: halt! halt! halt!
along the whole line: so that even to the Hellenes themselves their
army seemed enormous; and the Persian was fairly astonished at the
spectacle.

From this place they marched through Media six desert stages--thirty 27
parasangs--to the villages of Parysatis, Cyrus's and the king's
mother. These Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, delivered over to the
Hellenes to plunder, except that the folk in them were not to be made
slaves. They contained much corn, cattle, and other property. From
this place they advanced four desert stages--twenty parasangs--keeping
the Tigris on the left. On the first of these stages, on the other
side of the river, lay a large city; it was a well-to-do place named
Caenae, from which the natives used to carry across loaves and cheeses
and wine on rafts made of skins.

V


After this they reached the river Zapatas[1], which is four hundred 1
feet broad, and here they halted three days. During the interval
suspicions were rife, though no act of treachery displayed itself.
Clearchus accordingly resolved to bring to an end these feelings of
mistrust, before they led to war. Consequently, he sent a messenger to
the Persian to say that he desired an interview with him; to which the
other readily consented. As soon as they were met, Clearchus spoke as
follows: "Tissaphernes," he said, "I do not forget that oaths have
been exchanged between us, and right hands shaken, in token that we
will abstain from mutual injury; but I can see that you watch us
narrowly, as if we were foes; and we, seeing this, watch you narrowly
in return. But as I fail to discover, after investigation, that you
are endeavouring to do us a mischief--and I am quite sure that nothing
of the sort has ever entered our heads with regard to you--the best
plan seemed to me to come and talk the matter over with you, so that,
if possible, we might dispel the mutual distrust on either side. For I
have known people ere now, the victims in some cases of calumny, or
possibly of mere suspicion, who in apprehension of one another and
eager to deal the first blow, have committed irreparable wrong against
those who neither intended nor so much as harboured a thought of
mischief against them. I have come to you under a conviction that such 6
misunderstandings may best be put a stop to by personal intercourse,
and I wish to instruct you plainly that you are wrong in mistrusting
us. The first and weightiest reason is that the oaths, which we took
in the sight of heaven, are a barrier to mutual hostility. I envy not
the man whose conscience tells him that he has disregarded these! For
in a war with heaven, by what swiftness of foot can a man escape?--in
what quarter find refuge?--in what darkness slink away and be hid?--to
what strong fortress scale and be out of reach? Are not all things in
all ways subject to the gods? is not their lordship over all alike
outspread? As touching the gods, therefore, and our oaths, that is how
I view this matter. To their safe keeping we consigned the friendship
which we solemnly contracted. But turning to matters human, you I look
upon as our greatest blessing in this present time. With you every
path is plain to us, every river passable, and of provisions we shall
know no stint. But without you, all our way is through darkness; for
we known nothing concerning it, every river will be an obstacle, each
multitude a terror; but, worst terror of all, the vast wilderness, so
full of endless perplexity. Nay, if in a fit of madness we murdered
you, what then? in slaying our benefactor should we not have
challenged to enter the lists against us a more formidable antagonist
in the king himself? Let me tell you, how many high hopes I should rob
myself of, were I to take in hand to do you mischief.

[1] The Greater Zab, which flows into the Tigris near a town now
called Senn, with which most travellers identify Caenae.

"I coveted the friendship of Cyrus; I believed him to be abler than
any man of his day to benefit those whom he chose; but to-day I look
and, behold, it is you who are in his place; the power which belonged 11
to Cyrus and his territory are yours now. You have them, and your own
satrapy besides, safe and sound; while the king's power, which was a
thorn in the side of Cyrus, is your support. This being so, it would
be madness not to wish to be your friend. But I will go further and
state to you the reasons of my confidence, that you on your side will
desire our friendship. I know that the Mysians are a cause of trouble
to you, and I flatter myself that with my present force I could render
them humbly obedient to you. This applies to the Pisidians also; and I
am told there are many other such tribes besides. I think I can deal
with them all; they shall cease from being a constant distubance to
your peace and prosperity. Then there are the Egyptians[2]. I know
your anger against them to-day is very great. Nor can I see what
better force you will find to help you in chastising them than this
which marches at my back to-day. Again, if you seek the friendship of
any of your neighbours round, there shall be no friend so great as
you; if any one annoys you, with us as your faithful servitors you
shall belord it over him; and such service we will render you, not as
hirelings merely for pay's sake, but for the gratitude which we shall
rightly feel to you, to whom we owe our lives. As I dwell on these
matters, I confess, the idea of your feeling mistrust of us is so
astonishing, that I would give much to discover the name of the man,
who is so clever of speech that he can persuade you that we harbour
designs against you." Clearchus ended, and Tissaphernes responded
thus--

[2] We learn from Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 35, that the Egyptians had
revolted from the Persians towards the end of the reign of Darius.

"I am glad, Clearchus, to listen to your sensible remarks; for with
the sentiments you hold, if you were to devise any mischief against
me, it could only be out of malevolence to yourself. But if you
imagine that you, on your side, have any better reason to mistrust the
king and me, than we you, listen to me in turn, and I will undeceive
you. I ask you, does it seem to you that we lack the means, if we had
the will, to destroy you? have we not horsemen enough, or infantry, or
whatever other arm you like, whereby we may be able to injure you,
without risk of suffering in return? or, possibly, do we seem to you 17
to lack the physical surroundings suitable for attacking you? Do you
not see all these great plains, which you find it hard enough to
traverse even when they are friendly? and all yonder great mountain
chains left for you to cross, which we can at any time occupy in
advance and render impassable? and all those rivers, on whose banks we
can deal craftily by you, checking and controlling and choosing the
right number of you whom we care to fight! Nay, there are some which
you will not be able to cross at all, unless we transport you to the
other side.

"And if at all these points we were worsted, yet 'fire,' as they say,
'is stronger than the fruit of the field': we can burn it down and
call up famine in arms against you; against which you, for all your
bravery, will never be able to contend. Why then, with all these
avenues of attack, this machinery of war, open to us, not one of which
can be turned against ourselves, why should we select from among them
all that method, which alone in the sight of God is impious and of man
abominable? Surely it belongs to people altogether without resources,
who are helplessly struggling in the toils of fate, and are villains
to boot, to seek accomplishment of their desires by perjury to heaven
and faithlessness to their fellows. We are not so unreasoning,
Clearchus, nor so foolish.

"Why, when we had it in our power to destroy you, did we not proceed
to do it? Know well that the cause of this was nothing less than my
passion to prove myself faithful to the Hellenes, and that, as Cyrus
went up, relying on a foreign force attracted by payment, I in turn
might go down strong in the same through service rendered. Various
ways in which you Hellenes may be useful to me you yourself have
mentioned, but there is one still greater. It is the great king's
privilege alone to wear the tiara upright upon his head, yet in your
presence it may be given to another mortal to wear it upright, here,
upon his heart."

Throughout this speech he seemed to Clearchus to be speaking the
truth, and he rejoined: "Then are not those worthy of the worst 24
penalties who, in spite of all that exists to cement our friendship,
endeavour by slander to make us enemies?" "Even so," replied
Tissaphernes, "and if your generals and captains care to come in some
open and public way, I will name to you those who tell me that you are
plotting against me and the army under me." "Good," replied Clearchus.
"I will bring all, and I will show you, on my side, the source from
which I derive my information concerning you."

After this conversation Tissaphernes, with kindliest expression,
invited Clearchus to remain with him at the time, and entertained him
at dinner. Next day Clearchus returned to the camp, and made no secret
of his persuasion that he at any rate stood high in the affections of
Tissaphernes, and he reported what he had said, insisting that those
invited ought to go to Tissaphernes, and that any Hellene convicted of
calumnious language ought to be punished, not only as traitors
themselves, but as disaffected to their fellow-countrymen. The
slanderer and traducer was Menon; so, at any rate, he suspected,
because he knew that he had had meetings with Tissaphernes whilst he
was with Ariaeus, and was factiously opposed to himself, plotting how
to win over the whole army to him, as a means of winning the good
graces of Tissaphernes. But Clearchus wanted the entire army to give
its mind to no one else, and that refractory people should be put out
of the way. Some of the soldiers protested: the captains and generals
had better not all go; it was better not to put too much confidence in
Tissaphernes. But Clearchus insisted so strongly that finally it was
arranged for five generals to go and twenty captains. These were
accompanied by about two hundred of the other soldiers, who took the
opportunity of marketing.

On arrival at the doors of Tissaphernes's quarters the generals were
summoned inside. They were Proxenus the Boeotian, Menon the
Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the Laconian, and Socrates
the Achaean; while the captains remained at the doors. Not long after
that, at one and the same signal, those within were seized and those
without cut down; after which some of the barbarian horsemen galloped
over the plain, killing every Hellene they encountered, bond or free. 32
The Hellenes, as they looked from the camp, viewed that strange
horsemanship with surprise, and could not explain to themselves what
it all meant, until Nicarchus the Arcadian came tearing along for bare
life with a wound in the belly, and clutching his protruding entrails
in his hands. He told them all that had happened. Instantly the
Hellenes ran to their arms, one and all, in utter consternation, and
fully expecting that the enemy would instantly be down upon the camp.
However, they did not all come; only Ariaeus came, and Artaozus and
Mithridates, who were Cyrus's most faithful friends; but the
interpreter of the Hellenes said he saw and recognised the brother of
Tissaphernes also with them. They had at their back other Persians
also, armed with cuirasses, as many as three hundred. As soon as they
were within a short distance, they bade any general or captain of the
Hellenes who might be there to approach and hear a message from the
king. After this, two Hellene generals went out with all precaution.
These were Cleanor the Orchomenian[3], and Sophaenetus the
Stymphalion, attended by Xenophon the Athenian, who went to learn news
of Proxenus. Cheirisophus was at the time away in a village with a
party gathering provisions. As soon as they had halted within earshot,
Ariaeus said: "Hellenes, Clearchus being shown to have committed
perjury and to have broken the truce, has suffered the penalty, and he
is dead; but Proxenus and Menon, in return for having given
information of his treachery, are in high esteem and honour. As to
yourselves, the king demands your arms. He claims them as his, since
they belonged to Cyrus, who was his slave." To this the Hellenes made
answer by the mouth of Cleanor of Orchomenus, their spokesman, who
said, addressing Ariaeus: "Thou villain, Ariaeus, and you the rest of
you, who were Cyrus's friends, have you no shame before God or man,
first to swear to us that you have the same friends and the same
enemies as we ourselves, and then to turn and betray us, making common
cause with Tissaphernes, that most impious and villainous of men? With
him you have murdered the very men to whom you gave your solemn word
and oath, and to the rest of us turned traitors; and, having so done, 39
you join hand with our enemies to come against us." Ariaeus answered:
"There is no doubt but that Clearchus has been known for some time to
harbour designs agaisnt Tissaphernes and Orontas, and all of us who
side with them." Taking up this assertion, Xenophon said: "Well, then,
granting that Clearchus broke the truce contrary to our oaths, he has
his deserts, for perjurers deserve to perish; but where are Proxenus
and Menon, our generals and your good friends and benefactors, as you
admit? Send them back to us. Surely, just because they are friends of
both parites, they will try to give us the best advice for you and for
us."

At this, the Asiatics stood discussing with one another for a long
while, and then they went away without vouchsafing a word.

VI


The generals who were thus seized were taken up to the king and there 1
decapitated. The first of these, Clearchus, was a thorough soldier,
and a true lover of fighting. This is the testimony of all who knew
him intimately. As long as the war between the Lacedaemonians and
Athenians lasted, he could find occupation at home; but after the
peace, he persuaded his own city that the Thracians were injuring the
Hellenes, and having secured his object, set sail, empowered by the
ephorate to make war upon the Thracians north of the Chersonese and
Perinthus. But he had no sooner fairly started than, for some reason
or other, the ephors changed their minds, and endeavoured to bring him
back again from the isthmus. Thereupon he refused further obedience,
and went off with sails set for the Hellespont. In consequence he was
condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for disobedience to
orders; and now, finding himself an exile, he came to Cyrus. Working
on the feelings of that prince, in language described elsewhere, he
received from his entertainer a present of ten thousand darics. Having
got this money, he did not sink into a life of ease and indolence, but
collected an army with it, carried on war against the Thracians, and 5
conquered them in battle, and from that date onwards harried and
plundered them with war incessantly, until Cyrus wanted his army;
whereupon he at once went off, in hopes of finding another sphere of
warfare in his company.

These, I take it, were the characteristic acts of a man whose
affections are set on warfare. When it is open to him to enjoy peace
with honour, no shame, no injury attached, still he prefers war; when
he may live at home at ease, he insists on toil, if only it may end in
fighting; when it is given to him to keep his riches without risk, he
would rather lessen his fortune by the pastime of battle. To put it
briefly, war was his mistress; just as another man will spend his
fortune on a favourite, or to gratify some pleasure, so he chose to
squander his substance on soldiering.

But if the life of a soldier was a passion with him, he was none the
less a soldier born, as herein appears; danger was a delight to him;
he courted it, attacking the enemy by night or by day; and in
difficulties he did not lose his head, as all who ever served in a
campaign with him would with one consent allow. A good solder! the
question arises, Was he equally good as a commander? It must be
admitted that, as far as was compatible with his quality of temper, he
was; none more so. Capable to a singular degree of devising how his
army was to get supplies, and of actually getting them, he was also
capable of impressing upon those about him that Clearchus must be
obeyed; and that he brought about by the very hardness of his nature.
With a scowling expression and a harshly-grating voice, he chastised
with severity, and at times with such fury, that he was sorry
afterwards himself for what he had done. Yet it was not without
purpose that he applied the whip; he had a theory that there was no
good to be got out of an unchastened army. A saying of his is recorded
to the effect that the soldier who is to mount guard and keep his
hands off his friends, and be ready to dash without a moment's
hesitation against the foe--must fear his commander more than the
enemy. Accordingly, in any strait, this was the man whom the soldiers
were eager to obey, and they would have no other in his place. The 11
cloud which lay upon his brow, at those times lit up with brightness;
his face became radiant, and the old sternness was so charged with
vigour and knitted strength to meet the foe, that it savoured of
salvation, not of cruelty. But when the pinch of danger was past, and
it was open to them to go and taste subordination under some other
officer, many forsook him. So lacking in grace of manner was he; but
was ever harsh and savage, so that the feeling of the soldiers towards
him was that of schoolboys to a master. In other words, though it was
not his good fortune ever to have followers inspired solely by
friendship or goodwill, yet those who found themselves under him,
either by State appointment or through want, or other arch necessity,
yielded him implicit obedience. From the moment that he led them to
victory, the elements which went to make his soldiers efficient were
numerous enough. There was the feeling of confidence in facing the
foe, which never left them, and there was the dread of punishment at
his hands to keep them orderly. In this way and to this extent he knew
how to rule; but to play a subordinate part himself he had no great
taste; so, at any rate, it was said. At the time of his death he must
have been about fifty years of age.

Proxenus, the Boeotian, was of a different temperament. It had been
the dream of his boyhood to become a man capable of great
achievements. In obedience to this passionate desire it was, that he
paid his fee to Gorgias of Leontini[1]. After enojoying that teacher's
society, he flattered himself that he must be at once qualified to
rule; and while he was on friendly terms with the leaders of the age,
he was not to be outdone in reciprocity of service[2]. In this mood he 17
threw himself into the projects of Cyrus, and in return expected to
derive from this essay the reward of a great name, large power, and
wide wealth. But for all that he pitched his hopes so high, it was
none the less evident that he would refuse to gain any of the ends he
set before him wrongfully. Righteously and honourably he would obtain
them, if he might, or else forego them. As a commander he had the art
of leading gentlemen, but he failed to inspire adequately either
respect for himself or fear in the soldiers under him. Indeed, he
showed a more delicate regard for his soldiers than his subordinates
for him, and he was indisputably more apprehensive of incurring their
hatred than they were of losing their fidelity. The one thing needful
to real and recognised generalship was, he thought, to praise the
virtuous and to withhold praise from the evildoer. It can be easily
understood, then, that of those who were brought in contact with him,
the good and noble indeed were his well-wishers; but he laid himself
open to the machinations of the base, who looked upon him as a person
to be dealt with as they liked. At the time of his death he was only
thirty years of age.

[1] The famous rhetorician of Leontini, 485-380 B.C. His fee was 100
minae.

[2] Proxenus, like Cyrus, is to some extent a prototype of the Cyrus
of the "Cyropaedia." In other words, the author, in delineating
the portrait of his ideal prince, drew from the recollection of
many princely qualities observed by him in the characters of many
friends. Apart from the intrinsic charm of the story, the
"Anabasis" is interesting as containing the raw material of
experience and reflection which "this young scholar or
philosopher," our friend, the author, will one day turn to
literary account.

As to Menon the Thessalian[3], the mainspring of his action was
obvious; what he sought after insatiably was wealth. Rule he sought
after only as a stepping-stone to larger spoils. Honours and high
estate he craved for simply that he might extend the area of his
gains; and if he studied to be on friendly terms with the powerful, it
was in order that he might commit wrong with impunity. The shortest
road to the achievement of his desires lay, he thought, through false
swearing, lying, and cheating; for in his vocabulary simplicity and
truth were synonyms of folly. Natural affection he clearly entertained
for nobody. If he called a man his friend it might be looked upon as 23
certain that he was bent on ensnaring him. Laughter at an enemy he
considered out of place, but his whole conversation turned upon the
ridicule of his associates. In like manner, the possessions of his
foes were secure from his designs, since it was no easy task, he
thought, to steal from people on their guard; but it was his
particular good fortune to have discovered how easy it is to rob a
friend in the midst of his security. If it were a perjured person or a
wrongdoer, he dreaded him as well armed and intrenched; but the
honourable and the truth-loving he tried to practise on, regarding
them as weaklings devoid of manhood. And as other men pride themselves
on piety and truth and righteousness, so Menon prided himself on a
capacity for fraud, on the fabrication of lies, on the mockery and
scorn of friends. The man who was not a rogue he ever looked upon as
only half educated. Did he aspire to the first place in another man's
friendship, he set about his object by slandering those who stood
nearest to him in affection. He contrived to secure the obedience of
his solders by making himself an accomplice in their misdeeds, and the
fluency with which he vaunted his own capacity and readiness for
enormous guilt was a sufficient title to be honoured and courted by
them. Or if any one stood aloof from him, he set it down as a
meritorious act of kindness on his part that during their intercourse
he had not robbed him of existence.

[3] For a less repulsive conception of Menon's character, however
unhistorical, see Plato's "Meno," and Prof. Jowlett's
Introduction, "Plato," vol. i. p. 265: "He is a Thessalian
Alcibiades, rich and luxurious--a spoilt child of fortune."

As to certain obscure charges brought against his character, these may
certainly be fabrications. I confine myself to the following facts,
which are known to all. He was in the bloom of youth when he procured
from Aristippus the command of his mercenaries; he had not yet lost
that bloom when he became exceedingly intimate with Ariaeus, a
barbarian, whose liking for fair young men was the explanation; and
before he had grown a beard himself, he had contracted a similar
relationship with a bearded favourite named Tharypas. When his
fellow-generals were put to death on the plea that they had marched
with Cyrus against the king, he alone, although he had shared their
conduct, was exempted from their fate. But after their deaths the
vengeance of the king fell upon him, and he was put to death, not like 29
Clearchus and the others by what would appear to be the speediest of
deaths--decapitation--but, as report says, he lived for a year in pain
and disgrace and died the death of a felon.

Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achaean were both among the
sufferers who were put to death. To the credit, be it said, of both,
no one ever derided either as cowardly in war: no one ever had a fault
to find with either on the score of friendship. They were both about
thirty-five years of age.