Anabasis I - Xenophon

Anabasis I
Author: Xenophon,
Translator: H.G. Dkyns


I


Darius and Parysatis had two sons: the elder was named Artaxerxes, and 1
the younger Cyrus. Now, as Darius lay sick and felt that the end of
life drew near, he wished both his sons to be with him. The elder, as
it chanced, was already there, but Cyrus he must needs send for from
the province over which he had made him satrap, having appointed him
general moreover of all the forces that muster in the plain of the
Castolus. Thus Cyrus went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as his
friend, and accompanied also by a body of Hellenes, three hundred
heavy armed men, under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian[1].

[1] Parrhasia, a district and town in the south-west of Arcadia.

Now when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was established in the
kingdom, Tissaphernes brought slanderous accusations against Cyrus
before his brother, the king, of harbouring designs against him. And
Artaxerxes, listening to the words of Tissaphernes, laid hands upon
Cyrus, desiring to put him to death; but his mother made intercession
for him, and sent him back again in safety to his province. He then,
having so escaped through peril and dishonour, fell to considering,
not only how he might avoid ever again being in his brother's power,
but how, if possible, he might become king in his stead. Parysatis,
his mother, was his first resource; for she had more love for Cyrus
than for Artaxerxes upon his throne. Moreover Cyrus's behaviour
towards all who came to him from the king's court was such that, when
he sent them away again, they were better friends to himself than to 5
the king his brother. Nor did he neglect the barbarians in his own
service; but trained them, at once to be capable as warriors and
devoted adherents of himself. Lastly, he began collecting his Hellenic
armament, but with the utmost secrecy, so that he might take the king
as far as might be at unawares.

The manner in which he contrived the levying of the troops was as
follows: First, he sent orders to the commandants of garrisons in the
cities (so held by him), bidding them to get together as large a body
of picked Peloponnesian troops as they severally were able, on the
plea that Tissaphernes was plotting against their cities; and truly
these cities of Ionia had originally belonged to Tissaphernes, being
given to him by the king; but at this time, with the exception of
Miletus, they had all revolted to Cyrus. In Miletus, Tissaphernes,
having become aware of similar designs, had forestalled the
conspirators by putting some to death and banishing the remainder.
Cyrus, on his side, welcomed these fugitives, and having collected an
army, laid siege to Miletus by sea and land, endeavouring to reinstate
the exiles; and this gave him another pretext for collecting an
armament. At the same time he sent to the king, and claimed, as being
the king's brother, that these cities should be given to himself
rather than that Tissaphernes should continue to govern them; and in
furtherance of this end, the queen, his mother, co-operated with him,
so that the king not only failed to see the design against himself,
but concluded that Cyrus was spending his money on armaments in order
to make war on Tissaphernes. Nor did it pain him greatly to see the
two at war together, and the less so because Cyrus was careful to
remit the tribute due to the king from the cities which belonged to
Tissaphernes.

A third army was being collected for him in the Chersonese, over
against Abydos, the origin of which was as follows: There was a
Lacedaemonian exile, named Clearchus, with whom Cyrus had become
associated. Cyrus admired the man, and made him a present of ten
thousand darics[2]. Clearchus took the gold, and with the money raised 9
an army, and using the Chersonese as his base of operations, set to
work to fight the Thracians north of the Hellespont, in the interests
of the Hellenes, and with such happy result that the Hellespontine
cities, of their own accord, were eager to contribute funds for the
support of his troops. In this way, again, an armament was being
secretly maintained for Cyrus.

[2] A Persian gold coin = 125.55 grains of gold.

Then there was the Thessalian Aristippus, Cyrus's friend[3], who,
under pressure of the rival political party at home, had come to Cyrus
and asked him for pay for two thousand mercenaries, to be continued
for three months, which would enable him, he said, to gain the upper
hand of his antagonists. Cyrus replied by presenting him with six
months' pay for four thousand mercenaries--only stipulating that
Aristippus should not come to terms with his antagonists without final
consultation with himself. In this way he secured to himself the
secret maintenance of a fourth armament.

[3] Lit. "guest-friend." Aristippus was, as we learn from the "Meno"
of Plato, a native of Larisa, of the family of the Aleuadae, and a
pupil of Gorgias. He was also a lover of Menon, whom he appears to
have sent on this expedition instead of himself.

Further, he bade Proxenus, a Boeotian, who was another friend, get
together as many men as possible, and join him in an expedition which
he meditated against the Pisidians[4], who were causing annoyance to
his territory. Similarly two other friends, Sophaenetus the
Stymphalian[5], and Socrates the Achaean, had orders to get together
as many men as possible and come to him, since he was on the point of
opening a campaign, along with Milesian exiles, against Tissaphernes.
These orders were duly carried out by the officers in question.


[4] Lit. "into the country of the Pisidians."

[5] Of Stymphalus in Arcadia.

II


But when the right moment seemed to him to have come, at which he 1
should begin his march into the interior, the pretext which he put
forward was his desire to expel the Pisidians utterly out of the
country; and he began collecting both his Asiatic and his Hellenic
armaments, avowedly against that people. From Sardis in each direction
his orders sped: to Clearchus, to join him there with the whole of his
army; to Aristippus, to come to terms with those at home, and to
despatch to him the troops in his employ; to Xenias the Arcadian, who
was acting as general-in-chief of the foreign troops in the cities, to
present himself with all the men available, excepting only those who
were actually needed to garrison the citadels. He next summoned the
troops at present engaged in the siege of Miletus, and called upon the
exiles to follow him on his intended expedition, promising them that
if he were successful in his object, he would not pause until he had
reinstated them in their native city. To this invitation they
hearkened gladly; they believed in him; and with their arms they
presented themselves at Sardis. So, too, Xenias arrived at Sardis with
the contingent from the cities, four thousand hoplites; Proxenus,
also, with fifteen hundred hoplites and five hundred light-armed
troops; Sophaenetus the Stymphalian, with one thousand hoplites;
Socrates the Achaean, with five hundred hoplites; while the Megarion
Pasion came with three hundred hoplites and three hundred peltasts[1].
This latter officer, as well as Socrates, belonged to the force
engaged against Miletus. These all joined him at Sardis.

[1] "Targeteers" armed with a light shield instead of the larger one
of the hoplite, or heavy infantry soldier. Iphicrates made great
use of this arm at a later date.

But Tissaphernes did not fail to note these proceedings. An equipment
so large pointed to something more than an invasion of Pisidia: so he
argued; and with what speed he might, he set off to the king, attended
by about five hundred horse. The king, on his side, had no sooner
heard from Tissaphernes of Cyrus's great armament, than he began to
make counter-preparations.

Thus Cyrus, with the troops which I have named, set out from Sardis,
and marched on and on through Lydia three stages, making
two-and-twenty parasangs[2], to the river Maeander. That river is two
hundred feet[3] broad, and was spanned by a bridge consisting of seven
boats. Crossing it, he marched through Phrygia a single stage, of
eight parasangs, to Colossae, an inhabited city[4], prosperous and 6
large. Here he remained seven days, and was joined by Menon the
Thessalian, who arrived with one thousand hoplites and five hundred
peltasts, Dolopes, Aenianes, and Olynthians. From this place he
marched three stages, twenty parasangs in all, to Celaenae, a populous
city of Phrygia, large and prosperous. Here Cyrus owned a palace and a
large park[5] full of wild beasts, which he used to hunt on horseback,
whenever he wished to give himself or his horses exercise. Through the
midst of the park flows the river Maeander, the sources of which are
within the palace buildings, and it flows through the city of
Celaenae. The great king also has a palace in Celaenae, a strong
place, on the sources of another river, the Marsyas, at the foot of
the acropolis. This river also flows through the city, discharging
itself into the Maeander, and is five-and-twenty feet broad. Here is
the place where Apollo is said to have flayed Marsyas, when he had
conquered him in the contest of skill. He hung up the skin of the
conquered man, in the cavern where the spring wells forth, and hence
the name of the river, Marsyas. It was on this site that Xerxes, as
tradition tells, built this very palace, as well as the citadel of
Celaenae itself, on his retreat from Hellas, after he had lost the
famous battle. Here Cyrus remained for thirty days, during which
Clearchus the Lacedaemonian arrived with one thousand hoplites and
eight hundred Thracian peltasts and two hundred Cretan archers. At the
same time, also, came Sosis the Syracusian with three thousand
hoplites, and Sophaenetus the Arcadian[6] with one thousand hoplites;
and here Cyrus held a review, and numbered his Hellenes in the park,
and found that they amounted in all to eleven thousand hoplites and
about two thousand peltasts.

[2] The Persian "farsang" = 30 stades, nearly 1 league, 3 1/2 statute
miles, though not of uniform value in all parts of Asia.

[3] "Two plethra": the plethron = about 101 English feet.

[4] Lit. "inhabited," many of the cities of Asia being then as now
deserted, but the suggestion is clearly at times "thickly
inhabited," "populous."

[5] Lit. "paradise," an oriental word = park or pleasure ground.

[6] Perhaps this should be Agias the Arcadian, as Mr. Macmichael
suggests. Sophaenetus has already been named above.

From this place he continued his march two stages--ten parasangs--to 10
the populous city of Peltae, where he remained three days; while
Xenias, the Arcadian, celebrated the Lycaea[7] with sacrifice, and
instituted games. The prizes were headbands of gold; and Cyrus himself
was a spectator of the contest. From this place the march was
continued two stages--twelve parasangs--to Ceramon-agora, a populous
city, the last on the confines of Mysia. Thence a march of three
stages--thirty parasangs--brought him to Caystru-pedion[8], a populous
city. Here Cyrus halted five days; and the soldiers, whose pay was now
more than three months in arrear, came several times to the palace
gates demanding their dues; while Cyrus put them off with fine words
and expectations, but could not conceal his vexation, for it was not
his fashion to stint payment, when he had the means. At this point
Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, the king of the Cilicians, arrived on a
visit to Cyrus; and it was said that Cyrus received a large gift of
money from the queen. At this date, at any rate, Cyrus gave the army
four months' pay. The queen was accompanied by a bodyguard of
Cilicians and Aspendians; and, if report speaks truly, Cyrus had
intimate relations with the queen.

[7] The Lycaea, an Arcadian festival in honour of Zeus {Arcaios}, akin
to the Roman Lupercalia, which was originally a shepherd festival,
the introduction of which the Romans ascribe to the Arcadian
Evander.

[8] Lit. "plain of the Cayster," like Ceramon-agora, "the market of
the Ceramians" above, the name of a town.

From this place he marched two stages--ten parasangs--to Thymbrium, a
populous city. Here, by the side of the road, is the spring of Midas,
the king of Phrygia, as it is called, where Midas, as the story goes,
caught the satyr by drugging the spring with wine. From this place he
marched two stages--ten parasangs--to Tyriaeum, a populous city. Here
he halted three days; and the Cilician queen, according to the popular
account, begged Cyrus to exhibit his armament for her amusement. The
latter being only too glad to make such an exhibition, held a review
of the Hellenes and barbarians in the plain. He ordered the Hellenes
to draw up their lines and post themselves in their customary battle
order, each general marshalling his own battalion. Accordingly they
drew up four-deep. The right was held by Menon and those with him; the 15
left by Clearchus and his men; the centre by the remaining generals
with theirs. Cyrus first inspected the barbarians, who marched past in
troops of horses and companies of infantry. He then inspected the
Hellenes; driving past them in his chariot, with the queen in her
carriage. And they all had brass helmets and purple tunics, and
greaves, and their shields uncovered[9].

[9] I.e. ready for action, c.f. "bayonets fixed".

After he had driven past the whole body, he drew up his chariot in
front of the centre of the battle-line, and sent his interpreter
Pigres to the generals of the Hellenes, with orders to present arms
and to advance along the whole line. This order was repeated by the
generals to their men; and at the sound of the bugle, with shields
forward and spears in rest, they advanced to meet the enemy. The pace
quickened, and with a shout the soldiers spontaneously fell into a
run, making in the direction of the camp. Great was the panic of the
barbarians. The Cilician queen in her carriage turned and fled; the
sutlers in the marketing place left their wares and took to their
heels; and the Hellenes meanwhile came into camp with a roar of
laughter. What astounded the queen was the brilliancy and order of the
armament; but Cyrus was pleased to see the terror inspired by the
Hellenes in the hearts of the Asiatics.

From this place he marched on three stages--twenty parasangs--to
Iconium, the last city of Phrygia, where he remained three days.
Thence he marched through Lycaonia five stages--thirty parasangs. This
was hostile country, and he gave it over to the Hellenes to pillage.
At this point Cyrus sent back the Cilician queen to her own country by
the quickest route; and to escort her he sent the soldiers of Menon,
and Menon himself. With the rest of the troops he continued his march
through Cappadocia four stages--twenty-five parasangs--to Dana, a
populous city, large and flourishing. Here they halted three days,
within which interval Cyrus put to death, on a charge of conspiracy, a
Persian nobleman named Megaphernes, a wearer of the royal purple; and
along with him another high dignitary among his subordinate
commanders.

From this place they endeavoured to force a passage into Cilicia. Now 21
the entrance was by an exceedingly steep cart-road, impracticable for
an army in face of a resisting force; and report said that Syennesis
was on the summit of the pass guarding the approach. Accordingly they
halted a day in the plain; but next day came a messenger informing
them that Syenesis had left the pass; doubtless, after perceiving that
Menon's army was already in Cilicia on his own side of the mountains;
and he had further been informed that ships of war, belonging to the
Lacedaemonians and to Cyrus himself, with Tamos on board as admiral,
were sailing round from Ionia to Cilicia. Whatever the reason might
be, Cyrus made his way up into the hills without let or hindrance, and
came in sight of the tents where the Cilicians were on guard. From
that point he descended gradually into a large and beautiful plain
country, well watered, and thickly covered with trees of all sorts and
vines. This plain produces sesame plentifully, as also panic and
millet and barley and wheat; and it is shut in on all sides by a steep
and lofty wall of mountains from sea to sea. Descending through this
plain country, he advanced four stages--twenty-five parasangs--to
Tarsus, a large and prosperous city of Cilicia. Here stood the palace
of Syennesis, the king of the country; and through the middle of the
city flows a river called the Cydnus, two hundred feet broad. They
found that the city had been deserted by its inhabitants, who had
betaken themselves, with Syennesis, to a strong place on the hills.
All had gone, except the tavern-keepers. The sea-board inhabitants of
Soli and Issi also remained. Now Epyaxa, Syennesis's queen, had
reached Tarsus five days in advance of Cyrus. During their passage
over the mountains into the plain, two companies of Menon's army were
lost. Some said they had been cut down by the Cilicians, while engaged
on some pillaging affair; another account was that they had been left
behind, and being unable to overtake the main body, or discover the
route, had gone astray and perished. However it was, they numbered one
hundred hoplites; and when the rest arrived, being in a fury at the
destruction of their fellow soldiers, they vented their spleen by
pillaging the city of Tarsus and the palace to boot. Now when Cyrus
had marched into the city, he sent for Syennesis to come to him; but 26
the latter replied that he had never yet put himself into the hands of
any one who was his superior, nor was he willing to accede to the
proposal of Cyrus now; until, in the end, his wife persuaded him, and
he accepted pledges of good faith. After this they met, and Syennesis
gave Cyrus large sums in aid of his army; while Cyrus presented him
with the customary royal gifts--to wit, a horse with a gold bit, a
necklace of gold, a gold bracelet, and a gold scimitar, a Persian
dress, and lastly, the exemption of his territory from further
pillage, with the privilege of taking back the slaves that had been
seized, wherever they might chance to come upon them.

III


At Tarsus Cyrus and his army halted for twenty days; the soldiers 1
refusing to advance further, since the suspicion ripened in their
minds, that the expedition was in reality directed against the king;
and as they insisted, they had not engaged their services for that
object. Clearchus set the example of trying to force his men to
continue their march; but he had no sooner started at the head of his
troops than they began to pelt him and his baggage train, and
Clearchus had a narrow escape of being stoned to death there and then.
Later on, when he perceived that force was useless, he summoned an
assembly of his own men; and for a long while he stood and wept, while
the men gazed in silent astonishment. At last he spoke as follows:
"Fellow soldiers, do not marvel that I am sorely distressed on account
of the present troubles. Cyrus has been no ordinary friend to me. When
I was in banishment he honoured me in various ways, and made me also a
present of ten thousand darics. These I accepted, but not to lay them
up for myself for private use; not to squander them in pleasure, but
to expend them on yourselves. And, first of all, I went to war with
the Thracians, and with you to aid, I wreaked vengeance on them in
behalf of Hellas; driving them out of the Chersonese, when they wanted
to deprive its Hellenic inhabitants of their lands. But as soon as
Cyrus summoned me, I took you with me and set out, so that, if my
benefactor had any need of me, I might requite him for the good
treatment I myself had received at his hands.... But since you are
not minded to continue the march with me, one of two things is left to 5
me to do; either I must renounce you for the sake of my friendship
with Cyrus, or I must go with you at the cost of deceiving him.
Whether I am about to do right or not, I cannot say, but I choose
yourselves; and, whatever betide, I mean to share your fate. Never
shall it be said of me by any one that, having led Greek troops
against the barbarians[1], I betrayed the Hellenes, and chose the
friendship of the barbarian. No! since you do not choose to obey and
follow me, I will follow after you. Whatever betide, I will share your
fate. I look upon you as my country, my friends, my allies; with you I
think I shall be honoured, wherever I be; without you I do not see how
I can help a friend or hurt a foe. My decision is taken. Wherever you
go, I go also."

[1] Lit. "into the country of the barbarian."

Such were his words. But the soldiers, not only his own, but the rest
also, when they heard what he said, and how he had scouted the idea of
going up to the great king's palace[2], expressed their approval; and
more than two thousand men deserted Xenias and Pasion, and took their
arms and baggage-train, and came and encamped with Clearchus. But
Cyrus, in despair and vexation at this turn of affairs, sent for
Clearchus. He refused to come; but, without the knowledge of the
soldiers, sent a message to Cyrus, bidding him keep a good heart, for
that all would arrange itself in the right way; and bade him keep on
sending for him, whilst he himself refused to go. After that he got
together his own men, with those who had joined him, and of the rest
any who chose to come, and spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, it is
clear that the relations of Cyrus to us are identical with ours to
him. We are no longer his soldiers, since we have ceased to follow
him; and he, on his side, is no longer our paymaster. He, however, no
doubt considers himself wronged by us; and though he goes on sending
for me, I cannot bring myself to go to him: for two reasons, chiefly
from a sense of shame, for I am forced to admit to myself that I have
altogether deceived him; but partly, too, because I am afraid of his
seizing me and inflicting a penalty on the wrongs which he conceives 11
that I have done him. In my opinion, then, this is no time for us to
go to sleep and forget all about ourselves, rather it is high time to
deliberate on our next move; and as long as we do remain here, we had
better bethink us how we are to abide in security; or, if we are
resolved to turn our backs at once, what will be the safest means of
retreat; and, further, how we are to procure supplies, for without
supplies there is no profit whatsoever in the general or the private
soldier. The man with whom we have to deal is an excellent friend to
his friends, but a very dangerous enemy to his foes. And he is backed
by a force of infantry and cavalry and ships such as we all alike very
well see and know, since we can hardly be said to have posted
ourselves at any great distance from him. If, then, any one has a
suggestion to make, now is the time to speak." With these words he
ceased.

[2] Or "how he insisted that he was not going up."

Then various speakers stood up; some of their own motion to propound
their views; others inspired by Clearchus to dilate on the hopeless
difficulty of either staying, or going back without the goodwill of
Cyrus. One of these, in particular, with a make-believe of anxiety to
commence the homeward march without further pause, called upon them
instantly to choose other generals, if Clearchus were not himself
prepared to lead them back: "Let them at once purchase supplies" (the
market being in the heart of the Asiatic camp), "let them pack up
their baggage: let them," he added, "go to Cyrus and ask for some
ships in order to return by sea: if he refused to give them ships, let
them demand of him a guide to lead them back through a friendly
district; and if he would not so much as give them a guide, they could
but put themselves, without more ado, in marching order, and send on a
detachment to occupy the pass--before Cyrus and the Cilicians, whose
property," the speaker added, "we have so plentifully pillaged, can
anticipate us." Such were the remarks of that speaker; he was followed
by Clearchus, who merely said: "As to my acting personally as general
at this season, pray do not propose it: I can see numerous obstacles
to my doing so. Obedience, in the fullest, I can render to the man of 15
your choice, that is another matter: and you shall see and know that I
can play my part, under command, with the best of you."

After Clearchus another spokesman stood up, and proceeded to point out
the simplicity of the speaker, who proposed to ask for vessels, just
as if Cyrus were minded to renounce the expedition and sail back
again. "And let me further point out," he said, "what a simple-minded
notion it is to beg a guide of the very man whose designs we are
marring. If we can trust any guide whom Cyrus may vouchsafe to us, why
not order Cyrus at once to occupy the pass on our behoof? For my part,
I should think twice before I set foot on any ships that he might give
us, for fear lest he should sink them with his men-of-war; and I
should equally hesitate to follow any guide of his: he might lead us
into some place out of which we should find it impossible to escape. I
should much prefer, if I am to return home against the will of Cyrus
at all, to give him the slip, and so begone: which indeed is
impossible. But these schemes are simply nonsensical. My proposal is
that a deputation of fit persons, with Clearchus, should go to Cyrus:
let them go to Cyrus and ask him: what use he proposes to make of us?
and if the business is at all similar to that on which he once before
employed a body of foreigners--let us by all means follow: let us show
that we are the equals of those who accompanied him on his much up
formerly. But if the design should turn out to be of larger import
than the former one--involving more toil and more danger--we should
ask him, either to give us good reasons for following his lead, or
else consent to send us away into a friendly country. In this way,
whether we follow him, we shall do so as friends, and with heart and
soul, or whether we go back, we shall do so in security. The answer to
this shall be reported to us here, and when we have heard it, we will
advise as to our best course."

This resolution was carried, and they chose and sent a deputation with
Clearchus, who put to Cyrus the questions which had been agreed upon
by the army. Cyrus replied as follows: That he had received news that
Abrocomas, an enemy of his, was posted on the Euphrates, twelve stages 20
off; his object was to march against this aforesaid Abrocomas: and if
he were still there, he wished to inflict punishment on him, "or if he
be fled" (so the reply concluded), "we will there deliberate on the
best course." The deputation received the answer and reported it to
the soldiers. The suspicion that he was leading them against the king
was not dispelled; but it seemed best to follow him. They only
demanded an increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to give them half as
much again as they had hitherto received--that is to say, a daric and
a half a month to each man, instead of a daric. Was he really leading
them to attack the king? Not even at this moment was any one apprised
of the fact, at any rate in any open and public manner.

IV


From this point he marched two stages--ten parasangs--to the river 1
Psarus, which is two hundred feet broad, and from the Psarus he
marched a single stage--five parasangs--to Issi, the last city in
Cilicia. It lies on the seaboard--a prosperous, large and flourishing
town. Here they halted three days, and here Cyrus was joined by his
fleet. There were thirty-five ships from Peloponnesus, with the
Lacedaemonian admiral Pythagoras on board. These had been piloted from
Ephesus by Tamos the Egyptian, who himself had another fleet of
twenty-five ships belonging to Cyrus. These had formed Tamos's
blockading squadron at Miletus, when that city sided with
Tissaphernes; he had also used them in other military services
rendered to Cyrus in his operations against that satrap. There was a
third officer on board the fleet, the Lacedaemonian Cheirisophus, who
had been sent for by Cyrus, and had brought with him seven hundred
hoplites, over whom he was to act as general in the service of Cyrus.
The fleet lay at anchor opposite Cyrus's tent. Here too another
reinforcement presented itself. This was a body of four hundred
hoplites, Hellenic mercenaries in the service of Abrocomas, who 3
deserted him for Cyrus, and joined in the campaign against the king.

From Issi, he marched a single stage--five parasangs--to the gates of
Cilicia and Syria. This was a double fortress: the inner and nearer
one, which protects Cilicia, was held by Syennesis and a garrison of
Cilicians; the outer and further one, protecting Syria, was reported
to be garrisoned by a body of the king's troops. Through the gap
between the two fortresses flows a river named the Carsus, which is a
hundred feet broad, and the whole space between was scarcely more than
six hundred yards. To force a passage here would be impossible, so
narrow was the pass itself, with the fortification walls stretching
down to the sea, and precipitous rocks above; while both fortresses
were furnished with gates. It was the existence of this pass which had
induced Cyrus to send for the fleet, so as to enable him to lead a
body of hoplites inside and outside the gates; and so to force a
passage through the enemy, if he were guarding the Syrian gate, as he
fully expected to find Abrocomas doing with a large army. This,
however, Abrocomas had not done; but as soon as he learnt that Cyrus
was in Cilicia, he had turned round and made his exit from Phoenicia,
to join the king with an army amounting, as report said, to three
hundred thousand men.

From this point Cyrus pursued his march, through Syria a single
stage--five parasangs--to Myriandus, a city inhabited by Phoenicians,
on the sea-coast. This was a commercial port, and numerous merchant
vessels were riding at anchor in the harbour. Here they halted seven
days, and here Xenias the Arcadian general, and Pasion the Megarian
got on board a trader, and having stowed away their most valuable
effects, set sail for home; most people explained the act as the
outcome of a fit of jealousy, because Cyrus had allowed Clearchus to
retain their men, who had deserted to him, in hopes of returning to
Hellas instead of marching against the king; when the two had so
vanished, a rumour spread that Cyrus was after them with some ships of
war, and some hoped the cowards might be caught, others pitied them,
if that should be their fate.

But Cyrus summoned the generals and addressed them: "Xenias and 8
Pasion," he said, "have taken leave of us; but they need not flatter
themselves that in so doing they have stolen into hiding. I know where
they are gone; nor will they owe their escape to speed; I have
men-of-war to capture their craft, if I like. But heaven help me! if I
mean to pursue them: never shall it be said of me, that I turn people
to account as long as they stay with me, but as soon as they are
minded to be off, I seize and maltreat them, and strip them of their
wealth. Not so! let them go with the consciousness that our behaviour
to them is better than theirs to us. And yet I have their children and
wives safe under lock and key in Tralles; but they shall not be
deprived even of these. They shall receive them back in return for
their former goodness to me." So he spoke, and the Hellenes, even
those who had been out of heart at the thought of marching up the
country, when they heard of the nobleness of Cyrus, were happier and
more eager to follow him on his path.

After this Cyrus marched onwards four stages--twenty parasangs--to the
river Chalus. That river is a hundred feet broad, and is stocked with
tame fish which the Syrians regard as gods, and will not suffer to be
injured--and so too the pigeons of the place. The villages in which
they encamped belonged to Parysatis, as part of her girdle money[1].
From this point he marched on five stages--thirty parasangs--to the
sources of the river Dardas, which is a hundred feet broad. Here stood
the palace of Belesys, the ruler of Syria, with its park--which was a
very large and beautiful one, and full of the products of all the
seasons in their course. But Cyrus cut down the park and burnt the
palace. Thence he marched on three stages--fifteen parasangs--to the
river Euphrates, which is nearly half a mile broad. A large and 11
flourishing city, named Thapsacus, stands on its banks. Here they
halted five days, and here Cyrus sent for the generals of the
Hellenes, and told them that the advance was now to be upon Babylon,
against the great king; he bade them communicate this information to
the soldiers and persuade them to follow. The generals called an
assembly, and announced the news to the soldiers. The latter were
indignant and angry with the generals, accusing them of having kept
secret what they had long known; and refused to go, unless such a
bribe of money were given them as had been given to their
predecessors, when they went up with Cyrus to the court of his father,
not as now to fight a battle, but on a peaceful errand--the visit of a
son to his father by invitation. The demand was reported to Cyrus by
the generals, and he undertook to give each man five silver minae as
soon as Babylon was reached, and their pay in full, until he had
safely conveyed them back to Ionia again. In this manner the Hellenic
force were persuaded--that is to say, the majority of them. Menon,
indeed, before it was clear what the rest of the soldiers would
do--whether, in fact they would follow Cyrus or not--collected his own
troops apart and made them the following speech; "Men," he said, "if
you will listen to me, there is a method by which, without risk or
toil, you may win the special favour of Cyrus beyond the rest of the
soldiers. You ask what it is I would have you to do? I will tell you.
Cyrus at this instant is begging the Hellenes to follow him to attack
the king. I say then: Cross the Euphrates at once, before it is clear
what answer the rest will make; if they vote in favour of following,
you will get the credit of having set the example, and Cyrus will be
grateful to you. He will look upon you as being the heartiest in his
cause; he will repay, as of all others he best knows how; while, if
the rest vote against crossing, we shall go back again; but as the
sole adherents, whose fidelity he can altogether trust, it is you whom
Cyrus will turn to account, as commandants of garrisons or captains of
companies. You need only ask him for whatever you want, and you will
get it from him, as being the friends of Cyrus.

[1] Cf. Plat. "Alcib." i. 123 B. "Why, I have been informed by a
credible person, who went up to the king (at Susa), that he passed
through a large tract of excellent land, extending for nearly a
day's journey, which the people of the country called the queen's
girdle, and another which they called her veil," etc. Olympiodorus
and the Scholiast both think that Plato here refers to Xenophon
and this passage of the "Anabasis." Grote thinks it very probable
that Plato had in his mind Xenophon (either his "Anabasis" or
personal communications with him).

The men heard and obeyed, and before the rest had given their answer,
they were already across. But when Cyrus perceived that Menon's troops 16
had crossed, he was well pleased, and he sent Glus to the division in
question, with this message: "Soldiers, accept my thanks at present;
eventually you shall thank me. I will see to that, or my name is not
Cyrus." The soldiers therefore could not but pray heartily for his
success; so high their hopes ran. But to Menon, it was said, he sent
gifts with lordly liberality. This done, Cyrus proceeded to cross; and
in his wake followed the rest of the armament to a man. As they
forded, never a man was wetted above the chest: nor ever until this
moment, said the men of Thapascus, had the river been so crossed on
foot, boats had always been required; but these, at the present time,
Abrocomas, in his desire to hinder Cyrus from crossing, had been at
pains to burn. Thus the passage was looked upon as a thing miraculous;
the river had manifestly retired before the face of Cyrus, like a
courtier bowing to his future king. From this place he continued his
march through Syria nine stages--fifty parasangs--and they reached the
river Araxes. Here were several villages full of corn and wine; in
which they halted three days, and provisioned the army.

V


Thence he marched on through Arabia, keeping the Euphrates on the 1
right, five desert stages--thirty-five parasangs. In this region the
ground was one long level plain, stretching far and wide like the sea,
full of absinth; whilst all the other vegetation, whether wood or
reed, was sweet scented like spice or sweet herb; there were no trees;
but there was wild game of all kinds--wild asses in greatest
abundance, with plenty of ostriches; besides these, there were
bustards and antelopes. These creatures were occasionally chased by
the cavalry. The asses, when pursued, would run forward a space, and
then stand still--their pace being much swifter than that of horses;
and as soon as the horses came close, they went through the same
performance. The only way to catch them was for the riders to post
themselves at intervals, and to hunt them in relays, as it were. The
flesh of those they captured was not unlike venison, only more tender.
No one was lucky enough to capture an ostrich. Some of the troopers
did give chase, but it had soon to be abandoned; for the bird, in its
effort to escape, speedily put a long interval between itself and its 3
pursuers; plying its legs at full speed, and using its wings the while
like a sail. The bustards were not so hard to catch when started
suddenly; for they only take short flights, like partridges, and are
soon tired. Their flesh is delicious.

As the army wended its way through this region, they reached the river
Mascas, which is one hundred feet in breadth. Here stood a big
deserted city called Corsote, almost literally environed by the
stream, which flows round it in a circle. Here they halted three days
and provisioned themselves. Thence they continued their march thirteen
desert stages--ninety parasangs--with the Euphrates still on their
right, until they reached the Gates. On these marches several of the
baggage animals perished of hunger, for there was neither grass nor
green herb, or tree of any sort; but the country throughout was
barren. The inhabitants make their living by quarrying millstones on
the river banks, which they work up and take to Babylon and sell,
purchasing corn in exchange for their goods. Corn failed the army, and
was not to be got for money, except in the Lydian market open in
Cyrus's Asiatic army; where a kapithe of wheat or barley cost four
shekels; the shekel being equal to seven and a half Attic obols,
whilst the kapithe is the equivalent of two Attic choeneces[1], dry
measure, so that the soldiers subsisted on meat alone for the whole
period. Some of the stages were very long, whenever they had to push
on to find water or fodder; and once they found themselves involved in
a narrow way, where the deep clay presented an obstacle to the
progress of the wagons. Cyrus, with the nobles about him, halted to
superintend the operation, and ordered Glus and Pigres to take a body
of barbarians and to help in extricating the wagons. As they seemed to
be slow about the business, he turned round angrily to the Persian
nobles and bade them lend a hand to force the wagons out. Then, if
ever, what goes to constitute one branch of good discipline, was to be
witnessed. Each of those addressed, just where he chanced to be 8
standing, threw off his purple cloak, and flung himself into the work
with as much eagerness as if it had been a charge for victory. Down a
steep hill side they flew, with their costly tunics and embroidered
trousers--some with the circlets round their necks, and bracelets on
their arms--in an instant, they had sprung into the miry clay, and in
less time than one could have conceived, they had landed the wagons
safe on terra firma.

[1] The choenix = about 1 quart (or, according to others, 1 1/2 pint).
It was the minimum allowance of corn for a man, say a slave, per
diem. The Spartan was allowed at the public table 2 choenices a
day.

Altogether it was plain that Cyrus was bent on pressing on the march,
and averse to stoppages, except where he halted for the sake of
provisioning or some other necessary object; being convinced that the
more rapidly he advanced, the less prepared for battle would he find
the king; while the slower his own progress, the larger would be the
hostile army which he would find collected. Indeed, the attentive
observer could see, at a glance, that if the king's empire was strong
in its extent of territory and the number of inhabitants, that
strength is compensated by an inherent weakness, dependent upon the
length of roads and the inevitable dispersion of defensive forces,
where an invader insists upon pressing home the war by forced marches.

On the opposite side of the Euphrates to the point reached on one of
these desert stages, was a large and flourishing city named Charmande.
From this town the soldiers made purchases of provisions, crossing the
river on rafts, in the following fashion: They took the skins which
they used as tent coverings, and filled them with light grass; they
then compressed and stitched them tightly together by the ends, so
that the water might not touch the hay. On these they crossed and got
provisions: wine made from the date-nut, and millet or panic-corn, the
common staple of the country. Some dispute or other here occurred
between the soldiers of Menon and Clearchus, in which Clearchus
sentenced one of Menon's men, as the delinquent, and had him flogged.
The man went back to his own division and told them. Hearing what had
been done to their comrade, his fellows fretted and fumed, and were
highly incensed against Clearchus. The same day Clearchus visited the
passage of the river, and after inspecting the market there, was
returning with a few followers, on horseback, to his tent, and had to 12
pass through Menon's quarters. Cyrus had not yet come up, but was
riding up in the same direction. One of Menon's men, who was splitting
wood, caught sight of Clearchus as he rode past, and aimed a blow at
him with his axe. The aim took no effect; when another hurled a stone
at him, and a third, and then several, with shouts and hisses.
Clearchus made a rapid retreat to his own troops, and at once ordered
them to get under arms. He bade his hoplites remain in position with
their shields resting against their knees, while he, at the head of
his Thracians and horsemen, of which he had more than forty in his
army--Thracians for the most part--advanced against Menon's soldiers,
so that the latter, with Menon himself, were panic-stricken, and ran
to seize their arms; some even stood riveted to the spot, in
perplexity at the occurrence. Just then Proxenus came up from behind,
as chance would have it, with his division of hoplites, and without a
moment's hesitation marched into the open space between the rival
parties, and grounded arms; then he fell to begging Clearchus to
desist. The latter was not too well pleased to hear his trouble mildly
spoken of, when he had barely escaped being stoned to death; and he
bade Proxenus retire and leave the intervening space open. At this
juncture Cyrus arrived and inquired what was happening. There was no
time for hesitation. With his javelins firmly grasped in his hands he
galloped up--escorted by some of his faithful bodyguard, who were
present--and was soon in the midst, exclaiming: "Clearchus, Proxenus,
and you other Hellenes yonder, you know not what you do. As surely as
you come to blows with one another, our fate is sealed--this very day
I shall be cut to pieces, and so will you: your turn will follow close
on mine. Let our fortunes once take an evil turn, and these barbarians
whom you see around will be worse foes to us than those who are at
present serving the king." At these words Clearchus came to his
senses. Both parties paused from battle, and retired to their
quarters: order reigned.

VI


As they advanced from this point (opposite Charmande), they came upon 1
the hoof-prints and dung of horses at frequent intervals. It looked
like the trail of some two thousand horses. Keeping ahead of the army,
these fellows burnt up the grass and everything else that was good for
use. Now there was a Persian, named Orontas; he was closely related to
the king by birth: and in matters pertaining to war reckoned among the
best of Persian warriors. Having formerly been at war with Cyrus, and
afterwards reconciled to him, he now made a conspiracy to destroy him.
he made a proposal to Cyrus: if Cyrus would furnish him with a
thousand horsemen, he would deal with these troopers, who were burning
down everything in front of them; he would lay an ambuscade and cut
them down, or he would capture a host of them alive; in any case, he
would put a stop to their agressiveness and burnings; he would see to
it that they did not ever get a chance of setting eyes on Cyrus's army
and reporting its advent to the king. The proposal seemed plausible to
Cyrus, who accordingly authorised Orontas to take a detachment from
each of the generals, and be gone. He, thinking that he had got his
horsemen ready to his hand, wrote a letter to the king, announcing
that he would ere long join him with as many troopers as he could
bring; he bade him, at the same time, instruct the royal cavalry to
welcome him as a friend. The letter further contained certain
reminders of his former friendship and fidelity. This despatch he
delivered into the hands of one who was a trusty messenger, as he
thought; but the bearer took and gave it to Cyrus. Cyrus read it.
Orontas was arrested. Then Cyrus summoned to his tent seven of the
noblest Persians among his personal attendants, and sent orders to the
Hellenic generals to bring up a body of hoplites. These troops were to
take up a position round his tent. This the generals did; bringing up
about three thousand hoplites. Clearchus was also invited inside, to
assist at the court-martial; a compliment due to the position he held
among the other generals, in the opinion not only of Cyrus, but also
of the rest of the court. When he came out, he reported the
circumstances of the trial (as to which, indeed, there was no mystery)
to his friends. He said that Cyrus opened the inquiry with these
words: "I have invited you hither, my friends, that I may take advice
with you, and carry out whatever, in the sight of God and man, it is
right for me to do, as concerning the man before you, Orontas. The 6
prisoner was, in the first instance, given to me by my father, to be
my faithful subject. In the next place, acting, to use his own words,
under the orders of my brother, and having hold of the acropolis of
Sardis, he went to war with me. I met war with war, and forced him to
think it more prudent to desist from war with me: whereupon we shook
hands, exchanging solemn pledges. After that," and at this point Cyrus
turned to Orontas, and addressed him personally--"after that, did I do
you any wrong?" Answer, "Never." Again another question: "Then later
on, having received, as you admit, no injury from me, did you revolt
to the Mysians and injure my territory, as far as in you lay?"--"I
did," was the reply. "Then, once more having discovered the limits of
your power, did you flee to the altar of Artemis, crying out that you
repented? and did you thus work upon my feelings, that we a second
time shook hands and made interchange of solemn pledges? Are these
things so?" Orontas again assented. "Then what injury have you
received from me," Cyrus asked, "that now for the third time, you have
been detected in a treasonous plot against me?"--"I must needs do so,"
he answered. Then Cyrus put one more question: "But the day may come,
may it not, when you will once again be hostile to my brother, and a
faithful friend to myself?" The other answered: "Even if I were, you
could never be brought to believe it, Cyrus."

At this point Cyrus turned to those who were present and said: "Such
has been the conduct of the prisoner in the past: such is his language
now. I now call upon you, and you first, Clearchus, to declare your
opinion--what think you?" And Clearchus answered: "My advice to you is
to put this man out of the way as soon as may be, so that we may be
saved the necessity of watching him, and have more leisure, as far as
he is concerned, to requite the services of those whose friendship is
sincere."--"To this opinion," he told us, "the rest of the court
adhered." After that, at the bidding of Cyrus, each of those present, 10
in turn, including the kinsmen of Orontas, took him by the girdle;
which is as much as to say, "Let him die the death," and then those
appointed led him out; and they who in old days were wont to do
obeisance to him, could not refrain, even at that moment, from bowing
down before him, albeit they knew he was being led forth to death.

After they had conducted him to the tent of Artapates, the trustiest
of Cyrus's wand-bearers, none set eyes upon him ever again, alive or
dead. No one, of his own knowledge, could declare the manner of his
death; though some conjectured one thing and some another. No tomb to
mark his resting-place, either then or since, was ever seen.

VII


From this place Cyrus marched through Babylonia three stages--twelve 1
parasangs. Now, on the third stage, about midnight, Cyrus held a
review of the Hellenes and Asiatics in the plain, expecting that the
king would arrive the following day with his army to offer battle. He
gave orders to Clearchus to take command of the right wing, and to
Menon the Thessalian of the left, while he himself undertook to the
disposition of his own forces in person. After the review, with the
first approach of day, deserters from the great king arrived, bringing
Cyrus information about the royal army. Then Cyrus summoned the
generals and captains of the Hellenes, and held a council of war to
arrange the plan of battle. He took this opportunity also to address
the following words of compliment and encouragement to the meeting:
"Men of Hellas," he said, "it is certainly not from dearth of
barbarians to fight my battles that I put myself at your head as my
allies; but because I hold you to be better and stronger than many
barbarians. That is why I took you. See then that you prove yourselves
to be men worthy of the liberty which you possess, and which I envy
you. Liberty--it is a thing which, be well assured, I would choose in
preference to all my other possessions, multiplied many times. But I
would like you to know into what sort of struggle you are going: learn
its nature from one who knows. Their numbers are great, and they come
on with much noise; but if you can hold out against these two things,
I confess I am ashamed to think, what a sorry set of folk you will 4
find the inhabitants of this land to be. But you are men, and brave
you must be, being men: it is agreed; then if you wish to return home,
any of you, I undertake to send you back, in such sort that your
friends at home shall envy you; but I flatter myself I shall persuade
many of you to accept what I will offer you here, in lieu of what you
left at home."

Here Gaulites, a Samian exile, and a trusty friend of Cyrus, being
present, exclaimed: "Ay, Cyrus, but some say you can afford to make
large promises now, because you are in the crisis of impending danger;
but let matters go well with you, will you recollect? They shake their
heads. Indeed, some add that, even if you did recollect, and were ever
so willing, you would not be able to make good all your promises, and
repay." When Cyrus heard that, he answered: "You forget, sirs, my
father's empire stretches southwards to a region where men cannot
dwell by reason of the heat, and northwards to a region uninhabitable
through cold; but all the intervening space is mapped out in satrapies
belonging to my brother's friends: so that if the victory be ours, it
will be ours also to put our friends in possession in their room. On
the whole my fear is, not that I may not have enough to give to each
of my friends, but lest I may not have friends enough on whom to
bestow what I have to give, and to each of you Hellenes I will give a
crown of gold."

So they, when they heard these words, were once more elated than ever
themselves, and spread the good news among the rest outside. And there
came into his presence both the generals and some of the other
Hellenes also, claiming to know what they should have in the event of
victory; and Cyrus satisfied the expectations of each and all, and so
dismissed them. Now the advice and admonition of all who came into
conversation with him was, not to enter the battle himself, but to
post himself in rear of themselves; and at this season Clearchus put a
question to him: "But do you think that your brother will give battle 9
to you, Cyrus?" and Cyrus answered: "Not without a battle, be assured,
shall the prize be won; if he be the son of Darius and Parysatis, and
a brother of mine."

In the final arming for battle at this juncture, the numbers were as
follows: Of Hellenes there were ten thousand four hundred heavy
infantry with two thousand five hundred targeteers, while the
barbarians with Cyrus reached a total of one hundred thousand. He had
too about twenty scythe-chariots. The enemy's forces were reported to
number one million two hundred thousand, with two hundred
scythe-chariots, besides which he had six thousand cavalry under
Artagerses. These formed the immediate vanguard of the king himself.
The royal army was marshalled by four generals or field-marshals, each
in command of three hundred thousand men. Their names were Abrocomas,
Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces. (But of this total not more than
nine hundred thousand were engaged in the battle, with one hundred and
fifty scythe-chariots; since Abrocomas, on his march from Phoenicia,
arrived five days too late for the battle.) Such was the information
brought to Cyrus by deserters who came in from the king's army before
the battle, and it was corroborated after the battle by those of the
enemy who were taken prisoners.

From this place Cyrus advanced one stage--three parasangs--with the
whole body of his troops, Hellenic and barbarian alike in order of
battle. He expected the king to give battle the same day, for in the
middle of this day's march a deep sunk trench was reached, thirty feet
broad, and eighteen feet deep. The trench was carried inland through
the plain, twelve parasang's distance, to the wall of Media[1]. [Here
are canals, flowing from the river Tigris; they are four in number,
each a hundred feet broad, and very deep, with corn ships plying upon 15
them; they empty themselves into the Euphrates, and are at intervals
of one parasang apart, and are spanned by bridges.]

[1] For "the wall of Media" see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p.
87 and foll. note 1 (1st ed.), and various authorities there
quoted or referred to. The next passage enclosed in [] may
possibly be a commentator's or editor's note, but, on the whole, I
have thought it best to keep the words in the text instead of
relegating them, as heretofore, to a note. Perhaps some future
traveller may clear up all difficulties.

Between the Euphrates and the trench was a narrow passage, twenty feet
only in breadth. The trench itself had been constructed by the great
king upon hearing of Cyrus's approach, to serve as a line of defence.
Through this narrow passage then Cyrus and his army passed, and found
themselves safe inside the trench. So there was no battle to be fought
with the king that day; only there were numerous unmistakable traces
of horse and infantry in retreat. Here Cyrus summoned Silanus, his
Ambraciot soothsayer, and presented him with three thousand darics;
because eleven days back, when sacrificing, he had told him that the
king would not fight within ten days, and Cyrus had answered: "Well,
then, if he does not fight within that time, he will not fight at all;
and if your prophecy comes true, I promise you ten talents." So now,
that the ten days were passed, he presented him with the above sum.

But as the king had failed to hinder the passage of Cyrus's army at
the trench, Cyrus himself and the rest concluded that he must have
abandoned the idea of offering battle, so that next day Cyrus advanced
with less than his former caution. On the third day he was conducting
the march, seated in his carriage, with only a small body of troops
drawn up in front of him. The mass of the army was moving on in no
kind of order: the soldiers having consigned their heavy arms to be
carried in the wagons or on the backs of beasts.

VIII


It was already about full market time[1] and the halting-place at 1
which the army was to take up quarters was nearly reached, when
Pategyas, a Persian, a trusty member of Cyrus's personal staff, came
galloping up at full speed on his horse, which was bathed in sweat,
and to every one he met he shouted in Greek and Persian, as fast as he
could ejaculate the words: "The king is advancing with a large army
ready for battle." Then ensued a scene of wild confusion. The Hellenes
and all alike were expecting to be attacked on the instant, and before
they could form their lines. Cyrus sprang from his carriage and donned
his corselet; then leaping on to his charger's back, with the javelins
firmly clutched, he passed the order to the rest, to arm themselves
and fall into their several ranks.

[1] I.e. between 9 and 10 A.M.

The orders were carried out with alacrity; the ranks shaped
themselves. Clearchus held the right wing resting on the Euphrates,
Proxenus was next, and after him the rest, while Menon with his troops
held the Hellenic left. Of the Asiatics, a body of Paphlagonian
cavalry, one thousand strong, were posted beside Clearchus on the
right, and with them stood the Hellenic peltasts. On the left was
Ariaeus, Cyrus's second in command, and the rest of the barbarian
host. Cyrus was with his bodyguard of cavalry about six hundred
strong, all armed with corselets like Cyrus, and cuirasses and
helmets; but not so Cyrus: he went into battle with head
unhelmeted[2]. So too all the horses with Cyrus wore forehead-pieces
and breast-pieces, and the troopers carried short Hellenic swords.

[2] The MSS. add, "to expose oneself to the risks of war bareheaded
is, it is said, a practice common to the Persians," which I regard
as a commentator's note, if not an original marginal note of some
early editor, possibly of the author himself. The "Cyropaedeia" is
full of such comments, "pieces justificatives" inserted into the
text.

It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight; but with the
approach of afternoon was seen dust like a white cloud, and after a
considerable interval a black pall as it were spread far and high
above the plain. As they came nearer, very soon was seen here and
there a glint of bronze and spear-points; and the ranks could plainly
be distinguished. On the left were troopers wearing white cuirasses.
That is Tissaphernes in command, they said, and next to these a body
of men bearing wicker-shields, and next again heavy-armed infantry,
with long wooden shields reaching to the feet. These were the
Egyptians, they said, and then other cavalry, other bowmen; all were
in national divisions, each nation marching in densely-crowded 10
squares. And all along their front was a line of chariots at
considerable intervals from one another--the famous scythe-chariots,
as they were named--having their scythes fitted to the axle-trees and
stretching out slantwise, while others protruded under the
chariot-seats, facing the ground, so as to cut through all they
encountered. The design was to let them dash full speed into the ranks
of the Hellenes and cut them through.

Curiously enough the anticipation of Cyrus, when at the council of war
he admonished the Hellenes not to mind the shouting of the Asiatics,
was not justified. Instead of shouting, they came on in deep silence,
softly and slowly, with even tread. At this instant, Cyrus, riding
past in person, accompanied by Pigres, his interpreter, and three or
four others, called aloud to Clearchus to advance against the enemy's
centre, for there the king was to be found: "And if we strike home at
this point," he added, "our work is finished." Clearchus, though he
could see the compact body at the centre, and had been told by Cyrus
that the king lay outside the Hellenic left (for, owing to numerical
superiority, the king, while holding his own centre, could well
overlap Cyrus's extreme left), still hesitated to draw off his right
wing from the river, for fear of being turned on both flanks; and he
simply replied, assuring Cyrus that he would take care all went well.

At this time the barbarian army was evenly advancing, and the Hellenic
division was still riveted to the spot, completing its formation as
the various contingents came up. Cyrus, riding past at some distance
from the lines, glanced his eye first in one direction and then in the
other, so as to take a complete survey of friends and foes; when
Xenophon the Athenian, seeing him, rode up from the Hellenic quarter
to meet him, asking him whether he had any orders to give. Cyrus,
pulling up his horse, begged him to make the announcement generally
known that the omens from the victims, internal and external alike,
were good[3]. While he was still speaking, he heard a confused murmur 16
passing through the ranks, and asked what it meant. The other replied
that it was the watchword being passed down for the second time. Cyrus
wondered who had given the order, and asked what the watchword was. On
being told it was "Zeus our Saviour and Victory," he replied, "I
accept it; so let it be," and with that remark rode away to his own
position. And now the two battle lines were no more than three or four
furlongs apart, when the Hellenes began chanting the paean, and at the
same time advanced against the enemy.

[3] I.e. the omens from inspecting the innards of the victims, and the
omens from the acts and movements of the victims.

But with the forward movement a certain portion of the line curved
onwards in advance, with wave-like sinuosity, and the portion left
behind quickened to a run; and simultaneously a thrilling cry burst
from all lips, like that in honour of the war-god--eleleu! eleleu! and
the running became general. Some say they clashed their shields and
spears, thereby causing terror to the horses[4]; and before they had
got within arrowshot the barbarians swerved and took to flight. And
now the Hellenes gave chase with might and main, checked only by
shouts to one another not to race, but to keep their ranks. The
enemy's chariots, reft of their charioteers, swept onwards, some
through the enemy themselves, others past the Hellenes. They, as they
saw them coming, opened a gap and let them pass. One fellow, like some
dumbfoundered mortal on a racecourse, was caught by the heels, but
even he, they said, received no hurt, nor indeed, with the single
exception of some one on the left wing who was said to have been
wounded by an arrow, did any Hellene in this battle suffer a single
hurt.

[4] Some critics regard this sentence as an editor's or commentator's
note.

Cyrus, seeing the Hellene's conquering, as far as they at any rate
were concerned, and in hot pursuit, was well content; but in spite of
his joy and the salutations offered him at that moment by those about 21
him, as though he were already king, he was not led away to join in
the pursuit, but keeping his squadron of six hundred horsemen in cloe
order, waited and watched to see what the king himself would do. The
king, he knew, held the centre of the Persian army. Indeed it is the
fashion for the Asiatic monarch to occupy that position during action,
for this twofold reason: he holds the safest place, with his troops on
either side of him, while, if he has occasion to despatch any
necessary rider along the lines, his troops will receive the message
in half the time. The king accordingly on this occasion held the
centre of his army, but for all that, he was outside Cyrus's left
wing; and seeing that no one offered him battle in front, nor yet the
troops in front of him, he wheeled as if to encircle the enemy. It was
then that Cyrus, in apprehension lest the king might get round to the
rear and cut to pieces the Hellenic body, charged to meet him.
Attacking with his six hundred, he mastered the line of troops in
front of the king, and put to flight the six thousand, cutting down,
as is said, with his own hand their general, Artagerses.

But as soon as the rout commenced, Cyrus's own six hundred themselves,
in the ardour of pursuit, were scattered, with the exception of a
handful who were left with Cyrus himself--chiefly his table
companions, so-called. Left alone with these, he caught sight of the
king, and the close throng about him. Unable longer to contain
himself, with a cry, "I see the man," he rushed at him and dealt a
blow at his chest, wounding him through the corselet. This, according
to the statement of Ctesias the surgeon[5], who further states that he
himself healed the wound. As Cyrus delivered the blow, some one struck
him with a javelin under the eye severely; and in the struggle which
then ensued between the king and Cyrus and those about them to protect
one or other, we have the statement of Ctesias as to the number slain 27
on the king's side, for he was by his side. On the other, Cyrus
himself fell, and eight of his bravest companions lay on the top of
him. The story says that Artapes, the trustiest among his
wand-wearers, when he saw that Cyrus had fallen to the ground, leapt
from his horse and threw his arms about him. Then, as one account
says, the king bade one slay him as a worthy victim to his brother:
others say that Artapates drew his scimitar and slew himself by his
own hand. A golden scimitar it is true, he had; he wore also a collar
and bracelets and the other ornaments such as the noblest Persians
wear; for his kindliness and fidelity had won him honours at the hands
of Cyrus.


[5] "Ctesias, the son of Ctesiochus, was a physician of Cnidos.
Seventeen years of his life were passed at the court of Persia,
fourteen in the service of Darios, three in that of Artaxerxes; he
returned to Greece in 398 B.C.," and "was employed by Artaxerxes
in diplomatic services." See Mure; also Ch. Muller, for his life
and works. He wrote (1) a history on Persian affairs in three
parts--Assyrian, Median, Persian--with a chapter "On Tributes;"
(2) a history of Indian affairs (written in the vein of Sir John
Maundeville, Kt.); (3) a Periplus; (4) a treatise on Mountains;
(5) a treatise on Rivers.

IX


So died Cyrus; a man the kingliest[1] and most worthy to rule of all 1
the Persians who have lived since the elder Cyrus: according to the
concurrent testimony of all who are reputed to have known him
intimately. To begin from the beginning, when still a boy, and whilst
being brought up with his brother and the other lads, his unrivalled
excellence was recognised. For the sons of the noblest Persians, it
must be known, are brought up, one and all, at the king's portals.
Here lessons of sobreity and self-control may largely be laid to
heart, while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed
upon. There is the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some
receiving honour from the king, and again of others receiving
dishonour; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from
earliest boyhood they learn how to rule and to be ruled.

[1] The character now to be drawn is afterwards elaborated into the
Cyrus of the Cyropaedeia.

In this courtly training Cyrus earned a double reputation; first he
was held to be a paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an
obedience to his elders which exceeded that of many of his own
inferiors; and next he bore away the palm for skill in horsemanship
and for love of the animal itself. Nor less in matters of war, in the
use of the bow and the javelin, was he held by men in general to be at 5
once the aptest of learners and the most eager practiser. As soon as
his age permitted, the same pre-eminence showed itself in his fondness
for the chase, not without a certain appetite for perilous adventure
in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear made a furious rush
at him[2], and without wincing he grappled with her, and was pulled
from his horse, receiving wounds the scars of which were visible
through life; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did he forget
him who first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of
many.

[2] The elder Cyrus, when a boy, kills not a bear but a boar.

After he had been sent down by his father to be satrap of Lydia and
Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and had been appointed general of the
forces, whose business it is to muster in the plain of the Castolus,
nothing was more noticeable in his conduct than the importance which
he attached to the faithful fulfilment of every treaty or compact or
undertaking entered into with others. He would tell no lies to any
one. Thus doubtless it was that he won the confidence alike of
individuals and of the communities entrusted to his care; or in case
of hostility, a treaty made with Cyrus was a guarantee sufficient to
the combatant that he would suffer nothing contrary to its terms.
Therefore, in the war with Tissaphernes, all the states of their own
accord chose Cyrus in lieu of Tissaphernes, except only the men of
Miletus, and these were only alienated through fear of him, because he
refused to abandon their exiled citizens; and his deeds and words bore
emphatic witness to his principle: even if they were weakened in
number or in fortune, he would never abandon those who had once become
his friends.

He made no secret of his endeavour to outdo his friends and his foes
alike in reciprocity of conduct. The prayer has been attributed to
him, "God grant I may live along enough to recompense my friends and
requite my foes with a strong arm." However this may be, no one, at
least in our days, ever drew together so ardent a following of
friends, eager to lay at his feet their money, their cities, their own
lives and persons; nor is it to be inferred from this that he suffered
the malefactor and the wrongdoer to laugh him to scorn; on the 13
contrary, these he punished most unflinchingly. It was no rare sight
to see on the well-trodden highways, men who had forfeited hand or
foot or eye; the result being that throughout the satrapy of Cyrus any
one, Hellene or barbarian, provided he were innocent, might fearlessly
travel wherever he pleased, and take with him whatever he felt
disposed. However, as all allowed, it was for the brave in war that he
reserved especial honour. To take the first instance to hand, he had a
war with the Pisidians and Mysians. Being himself at the head of an
expedition into those territories, he could observe those who
voluntarily encountered risks; these he made rulers of the territory
which he subjected, and afterwards honoured them with other gifts. So
that, if the good and brave were set on a pinnacle of fortune, cowards
were recognised as their natural slaves; and so it befell that Cyrus
never had lack of volunteers in any service of danger, whenever it was
expected that his eye would be upon them.

So again, wherever he might discover any one ready to distinguish
himself in the service of uprightness, his delight was to make this
man richer than those who seek for gain by unfair means. On the same
principle, his own administration was in all respects uprightly
conducted, and, in particular, he secured the services of an army
worthy of the name. Generals, and sabulterns alike, came to him from
across the seas, not merely to make money, but because they saw that
loyalty to Cyrus was a more profitable investment than so many pounds
a month. Let any man whatsoever render him willing service, such
enthusiasm was sure to win its reward. And so Cyrus could always
command the service of the best assistants, it was said, whatever the
work might be.

Or if he saw any skilful and just steward who furnished well the
country over which he ruled, and created revenues, so far from robbing
him at any time, to him who had, he delighted to give more. So that
toil was a pleasure, and gains were amassed with confidence, and least
of all from Cyrus would a man conceal the amount of his possessions,
seeing that he showed no jealousy of wealth openly avowed, but his 19
endeavour was rather to turn to account the riches of those who kept
them secret. Towards the friends he had made, whose kindliness he
knew, or whose fitness as fellow-workers with himself, in aught which
he might wish to carry out, he had tested, he showed himself in turn
an adept in the arts of courtesy. Just in proportion as he felt the
need of this friend or that to help him, so he tried to help each of
them in return in whatever seemed to be their heart's desire.

Many were the gifts bestowed on him, for many and diverse reasons; no
one man, perhaps, ever received more; no one, certainly, was ever more
ready to bestow them upon others, with an eye ever to the taste of
each, so as to gratify what he saw to be the individual requirement.
Many of these presents were sent to him to serve as personal
adornments of the body or for battle; and as touching these he would
say, "How am I to deck myself out in all these? to my mind a man's
chief ornament is the adornment of nobly-adorned friends." Indeed,
that he should triumph over his friends in the great matters of
welldoing is not surprising, seeing that he was much more powerful
than they, but that he should go beyond them in minute attentions, and
in an eager desire to give pleasure, seems to me, I must confess, more
admirable. Frequently when he had tasted some specially excellent
wine, he would send the half remaining flagon to some friend with a
message to say: "Cyrus says, this is the best wine he has tasted for a
long time, that is his excuse for sending it to you. He hopes you will
drink it up to-day with a choice party of friends." Or, perhaps, he
would send the remainder of a dish of geese, half loaves of bread, and
so forth, the bearer being instructed to say: "This is Cyrus's
favourite dish, he hopes you will taste it yourself." Or, perhaps,
there was a great dearth of provender, when, through the number of his
servants and his own careful forethought, he was enabled to get
supplies for himsefl; at such times he would send to his friends in
different parts, bidding them feed their horses on his hay, since it
would not do for the horses that carried his friends to go starving.
Then, on any long march or expedition, where the crowd of lookers-on 28
would be large, he would call his friends to him and entertain them
with serious talk, as much as to say, "These I delight to honour."

So that, for myself, and from all that I can hear, I should be
disposed to say that no one, Greek or barbarian, was ever so beloved.
In proof of this, I may cite the fact that, though Cyrus was the
king's vassal and slave, no one ever forsook him to join his master,
if I may except the attempt of Orontas, which was abortive. That man,
indeed, had to learn that Cyrus was closer to the heart of him on
whose fidelity he relied than he himself was. On the other hand, many
a man revolted from the king to Cyrus, after they went to war with one
another; nor were these nobodies, but rather persons high in the
king's affection; yet for all that, they believed that their virtues
would obtain a reward more adequate from Cyrus than from the king.
Another great proof at once of his own worth and of his capacity
rightly to discern all loyal, loving and firm friendship is afforded
by an incident which belongs to the last moment of his life. He was
slain, but fighting for his life beside him fell also every one of his
faithful bodyguard of friends and table-companions, with the sole
exception of Ariaeus, who was in command of the cavalry on the left,
and he no sooner perceived the fall of Cyrus than he betook himself to
flight, with the whole body of troops under his lead.

X


Then the head of Cyrus and his right hand were severed from the body. 1
But the king and those about him pursued and fell upon the Cyreian
camp, and the troops of Ariaeus no longer stood their ground, but fled
through their own camp back to the halting-place of the night
before--a distance of four parasangs, it was said. So the king and
those with him fell to ravaging right and left, and amongst other
spoil he captured the Phocaean woman, who was a concubine of Cyrus,
witty and beautiful, if fame speaks correctly. The Milesian, who was
the younger, was also seized by some of the king's men; but, letting
go her outer garment, she made good her escape to the Hellenes, who
had been left among the camp followers on guard. These fell at once 3
into line and put to the sword many of the pillagers, though they lost
some men themselves; they stuck to the place and succeeded in saving
not only that lady, but all else, whether chattels or human beings,
wich lay within their reach.

At this point the king and the Hellenes were something like three
miles apart; the one set were pursuing their opponents just as if
their conquest had been general; the others were pillaging as merrily
as if their victory were already universal. But when the Hellenes
learnt that the king and his troops were in the baggage camp; and the
king, on his side, was informed by Tissaphernes that the Hellenes were
victorious in their quarter of the field, and had gone forward in
pursuit, the effect was instantaneous. The king massed his troops and
formed into line. Clearchus summoned Proxenus, who was next him, and
debated whether to send a detachment or to go in a body to the camp to
save it.

Meanwhile the king was seen again advancing, as it seemed, from the
rear; and the Hellenes, turning right about, prepared to receive his
attack then and there. But instead of advancing upon them at that
point, he drew off, following the line by which he had passed earlier
in the day, outside the left wing of his opponent, and so picked up in
his passage those who had deserted to the Hellenes during the battle,
as also Tissaphernes and his division. The latter had not fled in the
first shock of the encounter; he had charged parallel to the line of
the Euphrates into the Greek peltasts, and through them. But charge as
he might, he did not lay low a single man. On the contrary, the
Hellenes made a gap to let them through, hacking them with their
swords and hurling their javelins as they passed. Episthenes of
Amphipolis was in command of the peltasts, and he showed himself a
sensible man, it was said. Thus it was that Tissaphernes, having got
through haphazard, with rather the worst of it, failed to wheel round
and return the way he came, but reaching the camp of the Hellenes, 8
there fell in with the king; and falling into order again, the two
divisions advanced side by side.

When they were parallel with the (original) left wing of the Hellenes,
fear seized the latter lest they might take them in flank and enfold
them on both sides and cut them down. In this apprehension they
determined to extend their line and place the river on their rear. But
while they deliberated, the king passed by and ranged his troops in
line to meet them, in exactly the same position in which he had
advanced to offer battle at the commencemet of the engagement. The
Hellenes, now seeing them in close proximity and in battle order, once
again raised the paean and began the attack with still greater
enthusiasm than before: and once again the barbarians did not wait to
receive them, but took to flight, even at a greater distance than
before. The Hellenes pressed the pursuit until they reached a certain
village, where they halted, for above the village rose a mound, on
which the king and his party rallied and reformed; they had no
infantry any longer, but the crest was crowded with cavalry, so that
it was impossible to discover what was happening. They did see, they
said, the royal standard, a kind of golden eagle, with wings extended,
perched on a bar of wood and raised upon a lance.

But as soon as the Hellenes again moved onwards, the hostile cavalry
at once left the hillock--not in a body any longer, but in
fragments--some streaming from one side, some from another; and the
crest was gradually stripped of its occupants, till at last the
company was gone. Accordingly, Clearchus did not ascend the crest, but
posting his army at its base, he sent Lycius of Syracuse and another
to the summit, with orders to inspect the condition of things on the
other side, and to report results. Lycius galloped up and
investigated, bringing back news that they were fleeing might and
main. Almost at that instant the sun sank beneath the horizon. There
the Hellenes halted; they grounded arms and rested, marvelling the
while that Cyrus was not anywhere to be seen, and that no messenger
had come from him. For they were in complete ignorance of his death,
and conjectured that either he had gone off in pursuit, or had pushed
forward to occupy some point. Left to themselves, they now
deliberated, whether they should stay where they were and have the
baggage train brought up, or should return to camp. They resolved to
return, and about supper time reached the tents. Such was the
conclusion of this day.

They found the larger portion of their property pillaged, eatables and
drinkables alike, not excepting the wagons laden with corn and wine,
which Cyrus had prepared in case of some extreme need overtaking the
expedition, to divide among the Hellenes. There were four hundred of
these wagons, it was said, and these had now been ransacked by the
king and his men; so that the greater number of the Hellenes went
supperless, having already gone without their breakfasts, since the
king had appeared before the usual halt for breakfast. Accordingly, in
no better plight than this they passed the night.